Burbulis Anton Gennadievich his family. Who is burbulis and what a shameful mark he left in Russian history. "The victory brought him much more devastation than jubilation"
Kirill Serebrennikov in court. Photo by RIA Novosti
The Serebrennikov case brought together a “broad” coalition of people influencing public opinion in his defense. This is far from a conflict with the authorities, but already a disagreement with its actions that has already broken through. Perhaps we will not find examples of this in recent years. Perhaps the events of winter 2011.
- Of course, everyone, and above all, groups of influence, our cultural elite should have read the signal about the continued "special subjectivity" of the security forces. The trend, which began to gain strength in 2012, took shape in 2014 and peaked in 2016, it seemed that in 2017 it should have been replaced by a “thaw”. But it's not quite like that. The security forces act autonomously and are able to change any political, public or informational agenda. At the same time, there is no question of any disloyalty of the security forces in relation to the authorities. And the words of the President, which were remembered by many as a negative assessment of the investigators regarding the director, do not play a special role here.
There is an assessment of the action, and there is an instruction from the President to the security forces to work on the topic of corruption and bring cases to court, "but without 1937." The security forces carry out the order, but how they do it and, most importantly, why, is another topic.
- The interception by the state (and in our case, by the security forces) of a public request for the fight against corruption, for the war against theft of state funds, always carries the risks of a boomerang (or response). In a dozen high-profile cases of corruption, there will definitely be defendants who have become the darlings of society among the defendants. Having initiated the request, the society must understand that everything will not end with just walking along the boulevards. The state will imprison not only unpleasant officials, but also well-known and pleasant comrades who find themselves near state funding.
- Any high-profile criminal case will necessarily affect significant political and economic groups of influence. Consequence always works with a broad brush and vacuums information. In the Serebrennikov case, there were two versions of who gets hit.
— (1) Many have mentioned Kapkov's name. Indeed, the Serebrennikov-Kapkov connection is direct. The director signed a contract with the head of the Moscow Department of Culture. Through Kapkov, you can get access to a large number of people in politics and business. Yes, even for Abramovich. Plus, Kapkov is a bunch with Mayor Sobyanin, who has been hit recently. It is no coincidence that during the week the mayor of the capital was mentioned at least several times as a successor to the President or a future prime minister.
Kirill Serebrennikov and Vladislav Surkov
— (2) the next version is the customers-ideologists. A careful reading of the accusation shows that the Investigative Committee is not interested in Moscow affairs, not in the Gogol Center, they are interested in the history of the Ministry of Culture of Russia - the history of Studio 7. Serebrennikov received state funding for the studio. Among those who were aware of the issue are Surkov, Zhukov, Avdeev. In all likelihood, it was Surkov who agreed to the creation of the 7th studio. And in the Serebrennikov case, it is Surkov who is the most vulnerable character. Here we can recall how Surkov already entered into a public conflict with the current stakeholders of the case (Bastrykin and company) in May 2013.
Chulpan Khamatova read out the appeal of the actors in support of Kirill Serebrennikov and the Gogol Center. Photo Novaya Gazeta
- The “second round” of the Serebrennikov case (after the public reaction of the President, after the negative reaction of representatives of culture, after the negative in the media) can even be considered a “response” on the part of the security forces to some specific patrons (defenders) of the director. This is such a “Russian answer”, when the parties literally have to squeeze out all their resources in order to show their weight and break the opponent. How long will it last? But, apparently, until one of the parties gives in, or a third force intervenes, or (as was the case in the reaction to the Belyaninov case) a menacing shout follows and then shoulder straps fall off. But until this happens, the game will continue. True, the defendants themselves in the case are waiting for tedious days and not joyful prospects.
List of cultural figures and public figures who supported Serebryannikov: Solzhenitsyna, Bondarchuk, Malakhov, Ulitskaya, Urin, Kirkorov, Mironov, Kalyagin, Andrey Smirnov, Avdotya Smirnova, Kozlovsky, Dodin, Khamatova, German, Raikin, Popogrebsky, Mizgirev, Garkalin, Slepakov, Rappoport, Isakova, Svetlakov, Lisa Boyarskaya, Vernik , Vitorgan, Khabensky, Tregulova, Sobchak, Urgant, Kartozia, Svanidze, Budberg, Kudrin, Titov, Polina Deripaska, Irina Prokhorova.
https://www.site/2017-05-24/oleg_kashin_o_nepriyatnostyah_kirilla_serebrennikova
If you look at power for a long time
Oleg Kashin about the troubles of Kirill Serebrennikov
Maxim Blinov/RIA Novosti
We met seven years ago and immediately quarreled; last spring, in a common company, they ended up at the same table and tried not to notice each other, it was unpleasant.
What they quarreled about: seven years ago I interviewed him, and he wanted to tell me about some complex and interesting production by May 9, and this production interested me only from the point of view that the state needs patriotism and “thanks to grandfather for victory”, and he provides this “thank you” for the corresponding money, but in general I was much more interested in the staging of “Near Zero” - it was already known who is considered the author of this story, Serebrennikov volunteered to stage it, and I was pleased to ask him about it , seek answers in the spirit that it doesn’t matter who the author is, it’s just a very deep and accurate story, better than others, reflecting the spirit of the times, and the very name “About Zero” - how multifaceted and talented it is, because in the word “ near-zero" you can hear "near-life", and "near-death", and even (for some reason) "near-ass" - that's what he told me. And it looked, adjusted for the understandable difference between the eras, as if Yuri Solomin was giving an interview about how pleased he was to play Brezhnev in the play "Small Land" at the Maly Theater - everything is more than obvious, but you have to play the fool, and a few minutes shame, apparently, offset by all the other bonuses associated with this production. I knew about Serebrennikov that he was friends with Vladislav Surkov and that this friendship had by then been materialized in the expensive Perm festival "Territory", which was paid for by a mysterious fund headed by Surkov, either a classmate or a childhood friend, who, as I was told , in fact, is that mysterious author of the fashionable story, about which everyone thought that Surkov wrote it and therefore she was praised.
The interview was filmed, and Serebrennikov came to my office for this shooting. The camera turned off, we got up, I went to see him to the door, said goodbye, as it seemed to me, rather warmly, shook hands, but as soon as the door closed behind him, I received from him a huge (and this struck me - when did I manage to write?) SMS , in which it was written that in vain I expect to make a career on offending people, nothing good will come of me in life, and he wants me to burn in hell. I understood what he was offended by, but it didn’t upset me at all - well, really, man, if you chose the role of a court punk, be prepared for the fact that you will be asked about it, and no one promised that it would be easy. Of course, I titled the interview with the most obvious “Near the Kremlin”, and Kirill Serebrennikov occupied in my memory the shelf on which the people offended by me sit deservedly (of course, there are also undeservedly, but this is not the case here). Of course, I followed his further fate, and nothing in it seemed to me a reason to think about him in any other way: yes, Surkov left, but Kapkov came, and the roles remained the same, but to say something about them beyond what has already been said - what for?
And now, when the security forces and FSB operatives took care of Serebrennikov for interrogation all day at the Gogol Center, and there are already two detainees in this case, and there was a worried audience and actors in front of the theater, and Chulpan Khamatova, reading the corresponding speech, I have to gloat over all logic now, because yes, if you play its games with the authorities for many years, then sooner or later the authorities will change the rules, and the charming author of Near Zero will suddenly turn into a ruthless investigator who will put in front of you a form of an honest-hearted confessions and ask: “Well, have you thought of it?”
Vyacheslav Prokofiev/Kommersant
This gloating - yes, it seems natural, but it also has its own dramaturgy. Rejoicing in the troubles of someone who is unpleasant to you, you somehow inevitably take the side of this investigator, those operas who put the director in their car and took him away for interrogation, those Russian guards (were they Russian guards?), who, having locked the troupe in in the theater hall, unwittingly, played a disgusting scene from the fall of 2002 - people in camouflage always have much more in common with each other than they themselves think about it. And I have just as much in common with Serebrennikov; of course, in any case, he is dearer to me, closer and more understandable than those men and women in uniform who came to the theater this Tuesday, and if some rational, political or personal considerations push me to rejoice at Serebrennikov's troubles - After all, they push me, first of all, into the arms of that opera who kicks in the door of his office, and then says that he has entered the history of the theater. And I don’t want to be in his arms, so let’s leave the gloating to those nice people who, for some reason, consider themselves to be among the bearers of absolute moral rightness - we have a lot of such people, they always speak on such occasions, and, in a good way, from they would have made excellent security officers if the place of the security officers had not been occupied by those guys who escorted Serebrennikov.
Serebrennikov is a form of life that one may not like, one may resent, one may repel. And the Russian Guards, Chekists, investigators are something else, not a form of life, but part of a completely inhuman machine, all the destructive and poisonous properties of which are well known and disgusting. Anyone who gets hit by this machine deserves unconditional sympathy, even if he himself had in mind all the risks when he began to interact with it. And if you didn’t think about the risks, then even more so.
For many years, Kirill Serebrennikov peered into the authorities and their people, and at some point, as expected, the authorities began to peer into him. It’s not good to say that, but I hope that the humiliation and fear he experienced that day will turn out to be stronger than all possible excuses in the spirit that power is not homogeneous, and that, in addition to these operas, there are likeable intelligent people with whom you can deal with, achieving their support and assistance. I hope that the result of this unpleasant day for him will be such an unconditional and weighty “Damn you”, which he will harbor in himself and sooner or later will bring down on the head of this state, no longer looking at and not understanding who is good in this vertical, who is bad. And if some regular theater-goer is found in power, who will show him the manuscript of the next “Near Zero”, Serebrennikov will quietly but firmly say to him: “Fuck you.” And ideally, such a model of behavior will become a model for the entire Russian creative intelligentsia - it is never too late to understand that this state simply does not deserve another conversation.
Burbulis, Gennady Eduardovich
representative in the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation from the Administration of the Novgorod Region since November 2001, member of the Committee on Constitutional Legislation, Chairman of the Commission on the Methodology for the Implementation of the Constitutional Powers of the Federation Council, member of the Commission on Rules and Organization of Parliamentary Activities; born August 4, 1945; graduated from the Ural State University, candidate of philosophical sciences, associate professor; worked as head of the department of social sciences, deputy director for methodological work of the All-Union Institute for Advanced Studies of the USSR Ministry of Colors and Meteorology (Sverdlovsk); in 1989 he was elected a people's deputy of the USSR, he was the chairman of the subcommittee on the methodology and practice of the work of the Soviets in the Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on the work of the Soviets and local self-government; 1990-1991 - authorized representative of the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR; 1991-1992 - State Secretary of the Russian Federation, First Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation; since February 1993 - President of the humanitarian and political science center "Strategy"; in December 1993 he was elected to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation (1993-1995) on the list of the Russia's Choice bloc, was a member of the Committee on Geopolitics; in December 1995, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the second convocation (1995-1999) in a single-member district, was chairman of the subcommittee on the concept of national security and the geopolitical position of Russia of the Committee on Geopolitics; was elected chairman of the parliamentary club of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, co-chairman of the Russian Union "People of Action"; from November 1998 to January 1999 he was Chairman of the Supervisory Board of JSC Novotrubny Zavod (Pervouralsk); from June 1999 to November 2001 - vice-governor of the Novgorod region; in 2001 he was approved as a representative of the Novgorod Regional Administration in the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, in September 2003 he was re-approved to this position after the re-election of Governor M. Prusak for a new term; awarded the medal "XX Years of Victory in the Great Patriotic War"; speaks German; married, has a son; enjoys tennis, football, poetry, history of philosophy.
Actively involved in the democratic movement in the second half of the 80s. In 1987, in Sverdlovsk, he founded the political club "Debating Tribune", which turned into a tribune of informals and played a significant role in the process of democratization of public life. On the initiative of the political club B. Yeltsin in 1988 was nominated as a candidate for people's deputies of the USSR. He was considered one of the most influential politicians in Boris Yeltsin's "team" in the early 1990s. In his sphere of control was the development of a strategy for political reform, he oversaw such important areas of activity as foreign policy, state and public security, prosecutorial supervision. In 1992, G. Burbulis joined the State Anti-Corruption Commission and, along with Vice-President A. Rutskoi, developed the concept of its activities. In addition, he led a group of state advisers to the President in various areas of politics and, in fact, was responsible for the process of preparing strategic decisions that were made by the President of the Russian Federation. Since the activities of the technical and working apparatus of the government were also carried out under his actual control, and some of the leading members of the cabinet, primarily young economists headed by E. Gaidar, were his nominees, it can be concluded that it was G. Burbulis who exercised organizational and, in many respects, conceptual control over the activities of the main government bodies and the implementation of the first stage of radical economic reforms.
Big biographical encyclopedia. 2009 .
See what "Burbulis, Gennady Eduardovich" is in other dictionaries:
Gennady Eduardovich Burbulis ... Wikipedia
- (1945) Russian statesman. In 1981 89 in teaching and administrative work. Since June 1991, Secretary of State of the Russian Federation, Secretary of the State Council under the President of the Russian Federation, simultaneously with ... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary
- (b. 1945), statesman. In 1981 89 in teaching and administrative work. Since June 1991, the Secretary of State of the Russian Federation, Secretary of the State Council under the President of the Russian Federation, at the same time in November ... encyclopedic Dictionary
Gennady Eduardovich Burbulis Date of birth: (((date of birth))) Awards and prizes ... Wikipedia
Gennady Eduardovich Burbulis- was born on August 4, 1945 in the city of Pervouralsk, Sverdlovsk Region, in the family of a military pilot. After graduating from school in 1962, he worked for two years as a mechanic at the factories of Pervouralsk. In 1964 he was drafted into the army, served in the rocket troops in ... ... Encyclopedia of newsmakers
Gennady Burbulis- Russian statesman, in 1990-1992, the closest associate of Boris Yeltsin. The first and only State Secretary of the RSFSR. He had a great influence on the policy of the Russian leadership during this period.
Gennady Eduardovich Burbulis
State Secretary of the RSFSR July 19, 1991 - May 8, 1992
Secretary of State under the President of the Russian Federation May 8, 1992 - November 26, 1992
First Deputy Chairman of the Government of the RSFSR November 6, 1991 - April 14, 1992
Citizenship: Russia
Birth: 4 August 1945
Pervouralsk, Sverdlovsk region, RSFSR, USSR
Education: Ural State University
Academic degree: Associate Professor, Candidate of Philosophical Sciences
Carier start
Was born Gennady Eduardovich Burbulis August 4, 1945 in Pervouralsk. Mother - Belonogova Valentina Vasilievna. Father - Burbulis Eduard Kazimirovich. Grandfather, Kazimir Antonovich Burbulis, moved to the Urals from Lithuania in 1915.
In 1962 he graduated from high school and went to work as an instrumentation fitter at the Chrompikovy Plant, and then at the Pervouralsky Novotrubny Plant.
Since 1964 - in active military service in the missile forces.
In 1969 he entered, and in 1973 graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy of the Ural State University. Member of the CPSU from 1971 to 1990.
Since 1973, for 10 years, he taught dialectical materialism, Marxist-Leninist philosophy, at the Ural Polytechnic Institute. Associate Professor, Candidate of Philosophical Sciences. In 1983-1989 he was the head of the department of social sciences, deputy director for scientific and methodological work of the All-Union Institute for Advanced Studies of Specialists of the Ministry of Non-Ferrous Metallurgy in Sverdlovsk.
perestroika
At the beginning of perestroika, he created an informal political club in Sverdlovsk called the Debating Tribune. In 1989 he was elected People's Deputy of the USSR.
In 1989-1990 - Chairman of the Subcommittee of the Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on the work of the Soviets of People's Deputies, the development of management and self-government.
Soon he became close to his countryman B. N. Yeltsin and entered his inner circle. From January to July 1990 he was the plenipotentiary representative of the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR - head of the working group of the Supreme Consultative and Coordinating Council. In the presidential elections of the RSFSR, he headed the election headquarters of B. N. Yeltsin.
State Secretary of Russia and First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation
From July 19, 1991 to May 8, 1992 - State Secretary of the RSFSR - Secretary of the State Council under the President of the RSFSR. From May 8 to November 26, 1992 - Secretary of State under the President of the Russian Federation.
From November 6, 1991 to April 14, 1992 - First Deputy Chairman of the Government of the RSFSR. In this position, he played one of the key roles in developing the policy of the Russian leadership, actively participated in the struggle for power that was unfolding at that time with the leadership of the USSR.
He was one of the main actors in the preparation of the Belovezhskaya Pact, which formalized the collapse of the USSR. It was Burbulis who secured from Yeltsin the appointment of young economists from the "team of E. T. Gaidar" to key economic posts. In the period 1990-1992, according to the general opinion, Burbulis played under Yeltsin the role of the "grey eminence", determining the adoption of many important decisions. Mikhail Poltoranin testified to the love of power of Burbulis.
As former USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev recalls: “On the morning of December 27, 1991, my interview with Japanese journalists was scheduled. I decided to hold it for the last time in the Kremlin office. They were already waiting. At the entrance to the Kremlin, they told me by phone in the car: “Yeltsin, Poltoranin, Burbulis, Khasbulatov have been sitting in your office since morning. They drank the bottle. Walking around”… Yeltsin was impatient to be in the presidential office, which was called “height” by those initiated into the Kremlin affairs. Without waiting three days until December 30, he and his "company" took the "height" ahead of schedule. They staged a victorious brawl over whiskey - those who two years later shot at each other during the defeat of parliament!
Weakening influence
Then, however, his influence on Boris N. Yeltsin weakened.
Since April 3, 1992 - Deputy Chairman of the Presidential Advisory Council.
After the liquidation of the post of State Secretary, from November 26 to December 14, 1992, he was the head of the group of advisers to the President of the Russian Federation.
After that, he headed the humanitarian and political center "Strategy".
Duma deputy, vice-governor[edit | edit wiki text]
In 1993 and 1995 he was elected to the State Duma.
From November 1998 to January 1999 - Chairman of the Supervisory Board of Novotrubny Zavod JSC (Pervouralsk).
In July 2000, the governor of the Novgorod region, Mikhail Prusak, appointed Burbulis as vice-governor for interaction with the chambers of the Federal Assembly.
In the Federation Council
On November 2, 2001, he was appointed a member of the Federation Council - a representative of the administration of the Novgorod Region in the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation.
Since January 30, 2002 - Chairman of the Commission of the Federation Council on the Methodology for the Implementation of the Constitutional Powers of the Federation Council. Member of the Council of the Chamber, the Committee on Constitutional Legislation, the Commission on Rules and Organization of Parliamentary Activities.
In early September 2007, in connection with the appointment of S. G. Mitin as the new governor of the Novgorod region, he resigned. On November 16, 2007, the Federation Council voted for the release Burbulis from senatorial powers. The decision was made at the suggestion of the governor of the Novgorod region, Sergei Mitin.
From November 2007 to August 2010 - Advisor to the Chairman of the Federation Council, initiator and first deputy head of the Center for Monitoring Legislation and Law Enforcement Practice (Law Monitoring Center) under the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, head of the team of authors and scientific editor of the annual reports of the Federation Council "On the state of legislation In Russian federation".
In August 2009, he founded the "School of Politosophy "Dignity"". President of the Youth Forum of modernizers "My Russia". President of the Russian Short Track Federation. Since 2011 - Vice-Rector of the International University in Moscow. Lives in Moscow.
