Where are the Ayatskov now. Ayatskov Dmitry Fedorovich - full biography. Death as the only choice

1965-1969 - a machine operator, an electrician on a collective farm in the village of Kalinino.

1969-1971 - Served in the Armed Forces. He served on the territory of the Polish People's Republic, Northern Group of Forces, Air Defense.
What he did after returning from the army is unclear. Most likely, he worked in the village of Kalinino. It is only known for sure that in 1977 (six years after returning from the army) he graduated from the Saratov Agricultural Institute.

1977-1979 - chief agronomist of the collective farm named after May 1, Tatishevsky district, Saratov region.
1979-1980 - chief agronomist of the collective farm "Dawn of Communism" of the Baltai district of the Saratov region.
Until 1991 - a member of the CPSU. “I didn’t eat my ticket and didn’t throw it away. We all left the CPSU. If I say today that I am not a communist, I will insult the memory of my father.<...>But I will never stand under the banner of Zyuganov" (interview with the Vek newspaper, # 20, 1998).

1980-1981 - Foreman of the production and technological equipment department (UPTK) of military unit #64066 in Saratov.

1981-1986 - Head of Department, Deputy Director of the agro-industrial complex PA "Tantal" of the Ministry of Electronic Industry.
1981-1985 - studied in absentia at the Moscow Cooperative Institute.
1986-1992 - Economist, Deputy Director, First Deputy Director for Commercial Activities of the Production Association "Saratovpticeprom" (since 1991 - Production Association "Saratovskoe", Director - Yuri Kitov).

1992-1996 - First Deputy Head of Administration (Vice Mayor) of Saratov.
Earned a reputation as a true master of the city. Mayors Yuri Kitov (towards the end of their reign) and Alexander Malikov (at the beginning of their reign) tried to get rid of Ayatskov, who had absolutely no regard for them, but for some reason they could not do it. For details of Ayatskov's relationship with Kitov and Malikov, see the Friends and Enemies section.

In the events of August 1991 and September 1993, unlike most Russian politicians, he did not take any active part. The only thing is that, being a deputy of the Saratov Regional Council of People's Deputies (elected in by-elections in April 1993), he insisted on the self-dissolution of the Council in September 1993.

1993-1995 - Member of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation of the first convocation.
Elected in the Saratov two-mandate constituency #64. 4 candidates ran, and 4 more, rather influential ones - the representative of the president, the chairman of the city council, the secretary of the regional committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the imam - could not register. Ayatskov took second place with 29.6% of the vote, the second mandate was given to the head of the regional administration Yuri Belykh (34.8%). Mayor of Saratov Yury Kitov (26.3%) and well-known democrat-entrepreneur Vladimir Davydov (24.4%) lost the elections. For details of Ayatskov's relationship with Belykh, see the Friends and Enemies section.
Member of the Federation Council Committee on Security and Defense, member of the Federation Council Committee on Economic Reform.
"Dmitry Fedorovich repeatedly visited "hot spots" - Budennovsk, Nazran *, took part in resolving conflicts in the North Caucasus, Serbia and Croatia. He was the organizer of humanitarian aid from Saratov to Chechnya" (website of the regional administration "Saratov province").
* - Nazran is not a "hot spot".

In the same years, he was the chairman of the council of the Saratov regional branch of the Reforms - New Course (RNC) movement, a member of the executive committee and a member of the council of the RNC. Membership in the movement helped Ayatskov make useful contacts in Moscow: the leader of the RNC was Vladimir Shumeiko, speaker of the Federation Council of the first convocation.

In April-September 1996 - head of administration, from September 1996 - governor and chairman of the government of the Saratov region.
On April 15, 1996, he was appointed head of the regional administration by decree of the President of the Russian Federation. On September 1, 1996, he was elected head of the administration. Since September 10, 1996, a law has been in force in the region, which abolished the title of the post "head of administration" and introduced "governor" instead. According to the same law, the governor is also the chairman of the regional government.

In June - July 1996, he supported the candidacy of Boris Yeltsin in the presidential elections. He promised the president to pull the Saratov region out of the "red belt" (in the Duma elections in 1993 and 1995, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party won). He did not keep his promise: although in the first round Yeltsin was in the lead in the region (35%, Zyuganov - 31%), in the second round Zyuganov was ahead of him (50%, Yeltsin - 44%).

In the election of the head of the regional administration on September 1, 1996, he won 81.35% of the votes (voter turnout - 56.5%). There were 3 candidates registered in the constituency. Ayatskov collected 200,000 signatures in his support instead of the required 42. The main rival of Ayatskov was considered the candidate from the Communist Party Anatoly Gordeev (16.29%). The third candidate was the leader of the Saratov branch of the Forward, Russia! Vitaly Pavlov (0.62%).
Initially, Gordeev's chances in the "red" region were great. But, having deliberately abandoned the tactics of intimidating the communist threat and forgetting about the democrats, "Ayatskov moved to the center, winning the votes of the "neutrals" and the opposition. Already the beginning of his election campaign was a meeting with the Zemsky Union, which caused jealousy and denunciations to Moscow of radical "democrats", - determined his new unification strategy. Following the Zemstvo, Ayatskov was supported by rectors of universities, scientists and cultural figures, Saratov Muslims, some organizations of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and even the ultra-communist Trudovoe Balakovo. passed into the hands of D. Ayatskov. His opponent had to reorganize on the go, but oppose something to the governor<...>it was difficult "(Zemskoye Obozreniye, August 23, 1996). And yet Ayatskov was not completely sure of victory, just in case he persuaded Gordeev to withdraw his candidacy, promising him the position of vice-governor. Ayatskov was supported by: the presidential administration Russia, Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Viktor Chernomyrdin (visit to the region), Mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov (visit to the region), Mayor of Saratov Malikov, heads of regional administrations, regional duma.
Four months passed after Ayatskov's appointment and before his election. During this time, "Ayatskov did several very large and spectacular things. A new maternity hospital in Saratov was completed and solemnly opened; a number of multibillion-dollar transfers were "knocked out" from Moscow - salaries to state employees, pensions for the elderly; a bridge over the railway tracks connecting the Zavodskoy district with the center of the city; [enterprises forced] to find money for the wages of workers; an agreement was concluded with Moscow and contracts for the supply of large batches of trolleybuses to the capital, which will make it possible to raise the completely stopped ZIU from its knees; August 23, 1996).
The expiration date of the governor's powers is 2000. Assessing his chances to hold out in this post, he said: "I am sure that I will be governor until 2004.<...>The soldier who does not dream of becoming a general is bad. If I consider that I am capable and have the right to be the president of Russia, then I will be one when the circumstances are ripe" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, February 24, 1999).

Since April 1996 - member of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation of the second convocation (by position). Initially, he worked in the Federation Council Committee on International Affairs, then in the Federation Council Committee on Science, Culture, Education, Health and Ecology.

"The Saratov path of economic reform often differs from the Russian one and is much more effective in many areas" (website of the regional administration "Saratov province"). Despite the apparent "effectiveness" of Ayatskov's economic policy, good location, multimillion-dollar investments, agricultural and industrial potential of the region, it never became a donor region. Perhaps because it is more profitable to receive subsidies (transfers) from the budget than to feed depressed regions at your own expense. In addition, Ayatskov himself, as a person without complexes, asks for money at the highest level, without feeling the slightest shame. For example, in June 1997, under the pretext of a "record" harvest, he asked Russian President Boris Yeltsin by phone for money to purchase five hundred new Don combine harvesters. The president helped. In the fall, the media began to write that Ayatskov had deceived the president, that there had actually been no 6 millionth wheat crop. "I answered that I really deceived the President: the people of Saratov collected not 6 million tons of grain, but 6.5. I confess" (interview with the Vek newspaper, # 20, 1998).
In September 1998, even Yeltsin could not stand it and gave Ayatskov a small scolding for the fact that the Saratov region still needs federal transfers. Ayatskov promised that in a year and a half the situation would change (Russian Telegraph, September 18, 1998).

The main achievement of Ayatskov can be considered the creation of an authoritarian structure for managing the region. The Rossiyskiye Vesti newspaper (April 14, 1999) writes that the management structure has become more like a huge financial and industrial corporation than a state structure: it has a rigid vertical line of control of everything and everyone directly to the owner.
“I would like to apply the model that exists today in the Saratov region to the whole of Russia. But they simply won’t let me do it. The model is simple. The first and most important thing is consent in society. There is no conflict between the branches of power in Saratov. The team decides, while the governor only controls, and the third is the legislative framework and the use of the existing potential.<...>We have too much democracy. Democracy must end as soon as the ballot is put into the ballot box. All. Democracy is over. Next comes the power. If the people don't like the government, go to a referendum, choose another government" (interview with Kommersant-Daily, April 3, 1998).
Harmony in the region is achieved by signing agreements on public consent. The first version of the agreement (May 1996) corresponded to the generally accepted understanding of this document - it was signed by political parties and religious denominations. But Ayatskov went further, an improved version of the document (August 1998) was called the "Agreement on Public Consent and Social Partnership" and it was signed by everyone: enterprises, government agencies, trade unions and entrepreneurs.

"His craving for reform knows no bounds. He is holding the country's first auctions for the sale of land in the Saratov region and is trying to legalize, that is, license, prostitution in the regional center of Balakovo" ("Profile", May 25, 1998). Actually, these two inventions Ayatskov became famous at the federal level. Both reforms were never completed: the brothel in Balakovo never opened, and the law "On Land" was not widely applied in practice due to inconsistency with federal legislation. Auctions for the sale of land are held, and even a representative office was opened in Moscow to receive applications for participation in them. But the excitement was only during the first auction (March 1998). So, only the very adoption of the law "On Land" by the Regional Duma in November 1997 and its successful defense against attempts to cancel it as contrary to federal legislation can be considered achievements on this front.
"I do not argue, urban land is bought up better.<...>As for the farmland, here, apparently, partly distrust, partly the peasant's habit of harnessing for a long time and driving fast" (interview with the newspaper "Vek", # 20, 1998) affects.
"Ayatskov was not carried away by brothels - Ayatskov raised a very serious problem, which in Russia only the blind cannot see.<...>Today, thousands and thousands of our most beautiful daughters, sisters, mothers are engaged in prostitution. And this business is set very widely. So, there is a problem, it needs to be identified and solved.<...>Do you think that I am in favor of a red lantern and for driving everyone somewhere under the roof and replenishing the budget from this? Yes, this is bullshit!" (Interview with Kommersant-Daily, April 3, 1998).

Among the Bonaparte plans of Ayatskov: to make Saratov the official capital of the Volga region, and in the long term - the capital of Russia. In the 1996 gubernatorial elections, Ayatskov promised that in three or four years Muscovites would envy the people of Saratov...
Numerous populist actions of Ayatskov contribute to the process of strengthening the love for their governor by the main, poor part of the region's voters.
Before the 1996 elections, for a number of districts of the region with an unfavorable territorial location, he lowered prices for liquefied gas and established a fixed fee for electricity. He resumed the operation of local airlines to two regional centers, and the price of an air ticket was set within the cost of travel to these centers by ... buses ("New Style", August 10, 1996). It is not clear how the losses of gas workers, power engineers and airlines were covered in this case.
By the elections to the State Duma of the third convocation (December 1999) he implemented the projects "People's Bread" and "People's Gasoline".
"People's gasoline" AI-72 at a fixed price of 2.5 rubles. per liter, Ayatskov ordered to produce a "daughter" of NK "Sidanco" OJSC "Cracking". The preferential right to purchase the AI-72 has the low-income segments of the population, war veterans, and the disabled. Gasoline has a low octane number, which makes it unsuitable for use in modern cars (even in domestic, not to mention foreign cars). Such poor quality fuel has not been produced in our country for many years (Vremya MN, September 8, 1999). As for NK "Sidanco", the volume of financial investments of which in the implementation of the program is more than 10 million rubles. a month, then she has not been indignant for a long time. After becoming governor, Ayatskov threatened the oligarchs to take away the property obtained during the wild privatization if they did not take into account the interests of the local authorities. And so as not to doubt the seriousness of the governor's intentions and his capabilities, the local shareholders of its subsidiaries personally staged a boycott of Sidanco Oil Company (Russian News, April 14, 1999). In November 1999, Ayatskov presented representatives of Sidanko with a badge of honor "for steadfastness and survival" under the conditions of the Saratov reforms.
"People's bread" from flour of the second grade at a price of 1 ruble 50 kopecks, people were in no hurry to buy up. Gray nondescript loaves did not inspire confidence among buyers, and therefore regional officials ate and praised the bread indicatively. Demand for "folk bread" rose somewhat after the price increase for normal bread (by 40%). This was caused by the losses of bakeries from the release of "people's". Ayatskov promised to compensate the bakers for their losses with a free supply of grain for the production of "folk grain". Wheat will come from the reserve grain fund, to which the heads of the regions have pledged to transfer 50 kg of grain from each harvested hectare free of charge. "A curious hybrid of charity and food requisitioning" (Izvestia, August 25, 1999).
"Well, as for populism proper, it is impossible to do without it in our country yet. It is important to maintain a sense of proportion, otherwise it will overwhelm you, you will tear yourself off the ground and burn like a dandelion" (Ayatskov, interview with the Vek newspaper, # 20, 1998) .
"A recent Financial Times article called you a reformist populist. How accurate do you think that definition is?" - "If they called it that, what am I, I will sue, then that's the way it is" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, September 28, 1998).

In the summer of 1997, a helicopter with Ayatskov suddenly landed in the village of Ilovatka, Staropoltavsky District, Volgograd Region. Talking about life with the inhabitants of the oil-bearing region, Ayatskov suggested that the Ilovatians ... move to the Saratov region. When the head of the administration of the Volgograd region found out about the visit of a neighbor to his land. Nikolai Maksyuta, Ayatskov explained that his proposal was made as a joke, and he flew in to see how the American bug-turtle was eating the Volgograd crops.

The Guberniya newspaper (March 4, 1998) reported that Ayatskov was going to liquidate sobering-up stations and replace them with an assistance service that delivers drunks to their homes for a fee. For persons who are in such a stage of intoxication that they are no longer able to clearly state their address, several "special assistance centers" will be created, where there will be no police - only doctors. In such institutions, unlike sobering-up stations, human rights will not be violated, but it will cost a person more.

"Is it true that you promised to give the first child born in the 21st century a valuable gift: an apartment for a boy, a car for a girl?" - "Yes, and I will keep my promise. We held the "Night of Love" action on March 27, 1999 - the day of the conception of a child who will approximately be born on January 1, 2000. As far as I know, some members of the regional government took part in this action" ( Ayatskov conference on the Internet, March 31, 1999).

The region willingly accepts refugees from the countries of the former CIS, especially from Kazakhstan. "We do not interfere with migrants, since migration processes are a normal phenomenon. If a person considers it necessary to choose the Saratov region as [the new Motherland] and is ready to do a lot for its prosperity, we will gladly accept him and his family" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet , May 25, 1998).

In April 1999, Ayatskov expressed his desire to accept 50 thousand (!) Refugees from Yugoslavia. Since he wanted to see both Albanians and Serbs, journalists began to be ironic about a mini-Kosovo on the territory of the Saratov province (Obshchaya Gazeta, April 22, 1999). Ayatskov was rather sharply answered by the Russian Foreign Ministry. He explained that the decision to accept refugees from Yugoslavia "belongs to the sphere of foreign policy and can only be taken by the Russian government on the instructions of the president" and for Russia "the problem of accommodating hundreds of thousands of compatriots who fled, in particular, from Tajikistan and Chechnya" is extremely acute. ("Today", April 16, 1999). Ayatskov did not express any desire to accept refugees from these hot spots.

In the fall of 1999, in the elections to the State Duma of the third convocation, he closed the top three of the NDR list.
For details of Ayatskov's relationship with NDR leader Viktor Chernomyrdin, see the "Friends and Enemies" section.

In 1998, a funny incident in Birmingham (May 17, 1998) added political points to Ayatskov. Russian President Boris Yeltsin, introducing Ayatskov to US President Bill Clinton, called him his favorite governor. Clinton responded by saying that Ayatskov looks quite fit for the presidency. After that, Ayatskov walked around happy for a day and was considered Yeltsin's successor. Ayatskov's bliss ended when Yeltsin's press secretary, Sergei Yastrzhembsky, specifically explained to the media (May 18) that the allusion to Ayatskov's future presidency should be considered "from the point of view of healthy humor" and "the president said it half in jest."
In Birmingham, Yeltsin and Clinton promised Ayatskov to come to the Saratov region to hunt. "I don't know who we're going to hunt here, maybe women?" - Ayatskov was perplexed.
In September 1998, this already comical story had a completely hilarious ending. After meeting with Clinton in Moscow, Ayatskov said: "I envy Monica Lewinsky - a good man!" (quoted in Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 3, 1998). The media, remembering exactly how Clinton made love to Monica, began to giggle about Ayatskov's unconventional sexual orientation. "And this at a time when there are so many unmarried guys on the streets of Saratov!.." ("Komsomolskaya Pravda", September 4, 1998). "Apparently, the Saratov land, already glorified by the governor's intention to open brothels, may also become a place chosen by the" blue "(" Rossiyskie vesti ", September 9, 1998).

In March 2000, he won the gubernatorial election for the second time, gaining 67.31% (preliminary data).

Father - Fedor Kuzmich. "I am proud that my father received a party card from Stalin's hands on Red Square. He left the parade on a KV tank to defend Moscow" (interview with the Vek newspaper, # 20, 1998). He worked as a tractor driver. Died 1983

Mother - Anna Petrovna. In 1933, fleeing the famine, she moved to Central Asia, where she worked in the cotton fields. Returned to the Saratov region. in 1939 and got married. In 1940, the first son was born, and in 1942, her husband died at the front. After the war, she met Ayatskov Sr., who returned from the front. They had four more children, the second of which was Dmitry ("New Style", August 10, 1996). She worked as a cook in a nursery. Believer, baptized children.

Ayatskov's younger brother is a driver.

Married. Two children.

The wife is a housewife. "I always want to be well fed and in a clean shirt" (Ayatskov, interview with the Vek newspaper, #20, 1998).

Son - Alexander. Served in the Armed Forces. Studied at the institute. "Works as an assistant to a State Duma deputy" (Ayatskov, interview with the Vek newspaper, #20, 1998). Approximately since 1999, he has been working in the Saratov branch of Gazprom.

Daughter - Ekaterina. Student of Moscow State University.

Other relatives of Ayatskov:

Matchmaker. According to Ayatskov, the chief engineer of Norilsk Nickel (Krasnoyarsk Territory, perhaps, Sergey Ershov is meant).

Nephew. According to Ayatskov, he "commands the economy" in the area where their family nest Stolypino is located (most likely, he means the position of deputy head of the district administration for economic issues). "Are you a descendant of P.A. Stolypin?" - "I'm not, but my nephew is very similar to Stolypin" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, September 28, 1998).

RANKS AND AWARDS

Order of the Badge of Honor.
Order "For Merit to the Fatherland" III degree (1997).
Order of the Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow II degree (ROC).

FRIENDS AND ENEMIES

Ayatskov owes his successful start to his political career to his boss, the director of the Saratovptitseprom production association, Yuri Kitov. In June 1992, Kitov was appointed head of the administration of Saratov by presidential decree. After that, Dmitry Ayatskov, the first deputy of the Saratovptitseprom Production Association for commercial issues, automatically became the first deputy mayor.

In his new position, Ayatskov did not waste time. "He skillfully used the benefits of his position and the trust of the mayor, who considered Ayatskov his friend. To understand the situation, it is important to take into account that the mayor himself, Yuri Kitov, did not want, for example, to personally contact criminal structures, who in every possible way sought the opportunity to establish contact with the first persons of the mayor's office On the other hand, Ayatskov won the favor of the same entrepreneurs, because he easily and willingly fulfilled their requests, which were formally outside his competence or could not be fulfilled legally. (Kitov simply refused in such situations. He was even more willing to make promises. By the fall of 1993, he had developed a reputation as a "business man", willingly helping petitioners (in particular, able to provide a reliable "roof" from racketeering) and having great flexibility in attitude to the law.There was an extensive financial group that supported Ayatskov financially and interested in his promotion as an official and political figure. Moreover, Ayatskov also formed his own commercial interests, which he defended, relying, in particular, on his semi-criminal connections (up to direct instructions - who to "hit" and what to demand). At the same time, he managed to gain support from the law enforcement agencies - the tax police and the Central Internal Affairs Directorate "(article" Saratov and its leaders: the ways of warriors "from the" Russian collection "prepared by the information and expert group" Panorama "in 1995).

Already by the middle of 1993, Ayatskov had grown so strong that he challenged his patron - he put forward his candidacy in the elections to the Federation Council against Kitov. Actually, he might not have been against it: the constituency had two mandates and, under favorable circumstances, the mandates would have been enough for both. But Ayatskov decided that an alliance with the head of the regional administration, Yuri Belykh, was more beneficial for him to win. They made an agreement. Everything indicates that Belykh promised Ayatskov the position of mayor of Saratov, "at least he behaved during this period as a future mayor, distributing appointments in advance" ("Panorama"), and Ayatskov Belykh - the help of financial structures. Panorama believes that Belykh, in concluding the alliance, "demonstrated surprising naivete" without thinking what would happen to him if he broke his promise. In December 1993, Belykh and Ayatskov successfully entered the Federation Council of the first convocation. But it was not possible to remove Kitov under the pretext of distrust of the population - in the regional center, Kitov was ahead of both Ayatskov and Belykh.
Kitov did not forgive betrayal and even before the elections he tried to dismiss Ayatskov from his administration. But for some unknown reason, he failed. Then Kitov appointed second first deputy Anatoly Zotov and went to the hospital with a heart attack (December 1993).
Zotov, like Kitov, turned out to be weak and unable to resist the arrogance and pressure of Ayatskov. But Ayatskov was not going to leave the mayor's office. On the contrary, he behaved "like an already appointed mayor": he got his own guards, sealed Zotov's office (Zotov responded in kind), forbade his car to leave the departmental garage. Referring to the statements of citizens coming to him as a deputy of the Federation Council, he accused Zotov of "abuse of his official position", created a commission of the mayor's office to investigate these abuses. Zotov and Ivan Yalynychev, head of the public relations department of the mayor's office (who also came under fire from Ayatskov's "heavy artillery") rushed to seek protection from the media and the governor, although they understood that Belykh might have sanctioned Ayatskov's actions.
In January 1994, Kitov appeared at work, but on February 2 he was removed from his post as mayor and appointed head of the regional department of the transport inspectorate. Two weeks later (February 18) he committed suicide. Moreover, he did this with two shots from a hunting rifle, and, characteristically, both were fatal ... The circumstances of Kitov's death were so strange that the people said for a long time that they "helped" him. It seems Kitov was going to complain to Moscow and he had something to tell in the capital. At the same time, Zotov disappeared from the region and Alexander Frolov, the manager of the mayor's office, "taken out in an unknown direction" by law enforcement agencies ("Panorama"). Already in March 1994, Ayatskov realized that he got excited, and asked to change Zotov's measure of restraint - to release from custody under his, Ayatskov's personal responsibility.
Having seen enough of all this, Belykh finally understood who he had contacted, and was frightened. The new mayor was not appointed Ayatskov, but the mayor of the Saratov satellite town of Engels, Alexander Malikov. Malikov at first tried to establish control over the financial flows of the mayor's office, but then "surrendered and stopped the fight. According to rumors - in exchange for personal guarantees from the enemy" ("Panorama"). And the offended Ayatskov began to intrigue against Belykh.
Ayatskov's struggle with Belykh proceeded as if without Ayatskov's personal participation. At the first stage, Ayatskov was personified by the regional duma, elected not without his participation, which intended to adopt the charter of the region, which Belykh did not like very much (the charter assumed the election of the head of administration). Although the charter was adopted in December 1994, this did not become a victory for Ayatskov - Belykh managed to postpone the elections for an indefinitely distant time, which was very disadvantageous for Ayatskov, whose popularity was falling with every month of delay. Realizing this, Ayatskov intensified his activities on the front of whispering to the right people in Moscow about how Belykh was ruining things in the region.
The fight against Belykh ended with Ayatskov's victory after the elections to the State Duma in December 1995, when the lists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party received the majority in the region. There was nothing strange about this: in the previous Duma elections in December 1993, the majority were the same (only in a different order: the Liberal Democratic Party and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation). But, having influential contacts in Moscow, Ayatskov managed to present this as a catastrophe. The dismissal of Belykh was not without controversy: the original wording about the violation of the spending of financial resources under pressure from the Federation Council had to be changed to "of one's own free will." It was planned that after the appointment of Ayatskov, the region would be torn out of the "red belt". But he failed to fulfill his promise quickly. In the presidential elections that followed Ayatskov's appointment (summer 1996), in the second round, the majority of the region's residents supported Gennady Zyuganov (50%, Yeltsin - 44%).

There is one unpleasant tendency in Ayatskov's relations with fellow politicians. He can suddenly, for no reason at all, say nasty things about a loved one, and then declare that he did not say anything terrible and everything said was only for the benefit of a friend. But the most amazing thing is that in most cases they forgive him and continue to love him (see examples below).

The appointment of Ayatskov as the head of the administration of the Saratov region was facilitated by his connections in the Federation Council, and above all, good personal relations with speaker Vladimir Shumeiko. In the movement "Reforms - a New Course" (RNC) created by Shumeiko, the Saratov branch, headed by Ayatskov, was considered exemplary. At the same time, Ayatskov did not deny himself the pleasure of scolding Shumeiko: "Who needs such a speaker who knows only two roads - either to the Kremlin or abroad?" (interview with Pravda, February 1, 1995).

"When I was appointed governor, the president did not consult with me. A month later, they met, and he said:" As soon as I saw your last name, I immediately signed the decree. "We have known each other for 11 years. He has a very tenacious memory. So I don't think that in this case, there should have been a conversation. I have many friends both in the White House and in the Kremlin, who said that my candidacy is being considered "-" It seems that you meet with Boris Yeltsin more often than other governors. Is that so? - "Yes. Last year 15 times, this year - 5. Another meeting is scheduled for May 29. I can call and he will pick up the phone. Naturally, I don’t call for nothing. Probably, we have a certain sympathy for each other. I see in him a leader not only on a Russian scale. He is a kind of nugget that is underestimated" (from an interview with the Vek newspaper, # 20, 1998).
At the same time: "President Yeltsin Ayatskov (about himself in the third person - approx. RBC) criticized everyone more. Pick up the newspaper files and read.<...>A new president will be elected, and I will also passionately support him" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, May 25, 1998).
As early as the beginning of the summer of 1998, Ayatskov spoke in the sense that there was "nothing terrible" in the resignation of the president and his early elections (quoted in Russian Thought, Paris, July 16, 1998). For any other politician close to the president, not only such words, but even the very thought of it could be deadly - everyone knows how painfully Yeltsin feels about attempts to reduce his time in the Kremlin. And Ayatskov is like water off a duck's back: he talks on the phone with Yeltsin, he invites him to visit.
The story of how Ayatskov one day walked in Yeltsin's successors is described in detail in the "Full biography" section.
In the fall of 1999, showing his loyalty to the incumbent president, as an observer from the PDR, he attended the formation of the organizing committee of the pro-presidential bloc "Unity" (later - "Bear") and signed an appeal by members of the Federation Council to the president with a proposal to send a proposal to the Federation Council for the third time on removal of Prosecutor General Yuri Skuratov from office. He turned out to be the only one of the signatories who confirmed his involvement in this document.

Since April 1997 - Member of the Presidium of the Political Council of the movement "Our Home - Russia".
In the spring of 1998, after the resignation of NDR leader Viktor Chernomyrdin from the post of prime minister, he was the first of the governors to criticize him. The news of the resignation of the government caught Ayatskov in Japan, where he called Chernomyrdin a "political corpse" ("I said absolutely nothing about a political corpse. How can he be a corpse when he is still running on his feet?" - Ayatskov interviewed by Kommersant-Daily ", April 3, 1998). And when he returned to Russia, Ayatskov called the NDR a "roof" standing on "straw legs" ("Kommersant-Daily"). Some media considered that Ayatskov left the NDR, but he, despite the harshness of his statements, refused to leave the movement and its political council. "We are the chicks of Chernomyrdin's nest, which the president created at a straw. And so far, none of this nest is going to scatter" ("Kommersant-Daily"). Although in the same interview Ayatskov hinted at the possibility of creating a "new powerful party" on the basis of the Saratov region, headed by the "bright Russian star" Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov. But, since Ayatskov himself never created a party and hardly imagined how this was done, it seemed to Ayatskov to remove the weak leader of an already existing party as a simpler matter. Although he was naive in this: such actions usually lead to a split in the party, and the splitter most often gets not the most numerous part of it.
Continuing to mock Chernomyrdin, he presented him with a fishing rod for his 60th birthday: "they say, it's time to retire, to fish" ("Profile", May 18, 1998). "And at the same time, he also hinted that even after his resignation from the post of head of government, Chernomyrdin would be better off leaving the post of leader of the NDR and putting an end to his political career. What a present!" ("Profile"). Ayatskov procrastinated on the topic of changing the leader of the NDR for a long time ("NDR goes out. A leader is needed. No wonder they say: every herd must have its own leader" - "Vek", # 20, 1998), said that the new leader must be young. On September 4, 1998, at a meeting of the Federation Council, he opposed the return of Chernomyrdin to the post of prime minister. In response to Chernomyrdin's characterizations of Kiriyenko's rule ("The impression is that Mamai has passed. The hair on his head stands up - thank God, even though it is not enough"), retorted: "Mamai has already passed through Russia. I believe that it was Chernomyrdin. We must do everything so that Mamai does not return to Russia." And about the coalition government headed by the same Chernomyrdin, he said: "In Russian history there has already been one coalition government, the head of which then ran away, dressed in a woman's dress" (Novye Izvestia, September 2, 1998). He tried to sit Chernomyrdin at the NDR political council on November 14, 1998 - "When the leader is sick, the pack starts looking for another leader." And at an opposition rally on October 7 in Samara, "he even agreed to the point that he allegedly dismissed Chernomyrdin" ("Samarskoye Obozreniye", October 12, 1998), but, against the backdrop of General Albert Makashov's fiery speech on the Jewish question, this Ayatskov's revelation did not make much of an impression on journalists.
Chernomyrdin Ayatskov understood and took advantage of his ambitions to return the prodigal son to the party fold. In January 1999, Chernomyrdin came to Saratov to put up with Ayatskov and persuade him to stay in the PDR. He told the journalists who met him that he was sympathetic to the governor's idea of ​​putting a more successful leader at the head of the movement - at least Ayatskov himself, and it is quite possible that the Saratov governor will lead the PDR to the parliamentary elections (Profil, January 18, 1999). After that, at the political council of the NDR, Ayatskov publicly apologized to Chernomyrdin for his devastating criticism in recent months. "We had a good time with Viktor Stepanovich in Saratov, it turned out to be a normal man" ("Komsomolskaya Pravda", February 19, 1999). The truce took place. “I am sure that many parties will knock on the doors of Our House,” Ayatskov replaced the record (Rossiyskaya Gazeta, April 23, 1999).

But after a while, Ayatskov realized that Chernomyrdin's words, like Yeltsin's words in Birmingham, should be considered "from the point of view of healthy humor", and began to flirt with Yuri Luzhkov's Fatherland and Right Cause, guessing who it would be more profitable for him to join . Ayatskov could not participate in the governor blocs "Voice of Russia" and "All Russia" in any way: their leaders Mintimer Shaimiev and Konstantin Titov are Ayatskov's competitors for influence in the Volga region. The decisive motive in his choice of the bloc was the number on the electoral list. When Ayatskov realized that a regional politician without his own party would not be better than #3 on the PDR federal list, he resigned himself to his fate.

Relations with another, now former leader of the NDR, Alexander Shokhin, were also not the most pleasant. For example, when a Kommersant-Daily journalist (April 3, 1998) told Ayatskov that Shokhin had spoken unflatteringly about him ("Ayatskov was carried away by brothels"), Ayatskov flared up. He said that Shokhin also learned about the resignation of the Chernomyrdin government in Japan, "was riding in an elevator and<...>just put on pants. And he began to thrash about. What should he do - ask for political asylum somewhere or run to where the bank is buried?

Luzhkov and Ayatskov cannot be called friends. Their relationship is more like a rivalry (at least on the part of Ayatskov), but, oddly enough, Ayatskov's envy of the Moscow mayor only attracts him to Luzhkov.
Gigantomania brings them together. But Ayatskov fails to fully develop due to lack of money. "In 1996, I gathered builders and said that earlier, many centuries ago, our ancestors built without nails. I propose to build without money. We have been building since then" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, September 28, 1998).
In architectural undertakings, Ayatskov clearly has less imagination than Luzhkov, so he follows the path of borrowing. At the level of projects, there are: an underground shopping center on Theater Square in Saratov (an analogue of the one built in Moscow on Manezhnaya Square), a business center (an analogue of the Moscow Business City project). The only thing that Luzhkov does not have, but Ayatskov does have, is the Volga River. Here there is an opportunity to surpass the Moscow mayor. Ayatskov is building a unique bridge over the Volga, which will be 17 km long with approaches, and plans to build an international airport with a runway on Kazachiy Island, so that planes will take off directly over the river and, according to opponents, interfere with navigation.
In September 1997, Ayatskov arranged a celebration of the 200th anniversary of the Saratov province (in the same year Moscow celebrated its 850th anniversary), accompanied by the solemn signing of an agreement on the delimitation of powers with the federal authorities, the visit of Russian President Boris Yeltsin and a record grain harvest (6 million tons, described above).
Another issue of honor and prestige: the state of the streets of the city. By Luzhkov's visit to Saratov in August 1996, the city was put in order. The newspaper "Saratov Reporter" (August 20, 1996) noted the unprecedented assault on ennobling the face of the city. Waste bins made of non-ferrous metals were ordered (subsequently plundered by the population), curbs and trees were whitewashed, etc. But the governor was dissatisfied with the results and reprimanded his mayor Aksenenko (see below).
Ayatskov consoles himself with the thought that now Luzhkov compares himself with him, and not vice versa (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, August 20, 1998), although he understands that the only thing Luzhkov can envy him for is age.

The mayor of Saratov, Yuri Aksenenko, took up this post after Ayatskov was appointed governor. Oddly enough, he holds this post to this day. Unlike most mayors of regional centers, he is a forced person. The mayor in Saratov is not elected by the population, but by the City Duma from among the deputies on the proposal of the governor.
Ayatskov constantly pokes fun at his mayor: “After a month of facade repairs, I gave Mayor Aksenenko a month of wiping snot” (“Saratov Reporter”, August 20, 1996), “If tomorrow the mayor does not clean up the botanical garden, I will crack his head off and I will prove to 34 deputies that this is the only true medicine for him" ("Komsomolskaya Pravda", October 3, 1998). Many governors can only envy Ayatskov (for example, Yevgeny Nazdratenko), and mayors can sympathize with Aksenenko.

Among the most loyal associates of Ayatskov in the region are the leader of the "Union of Reserve Officers" Nikolai Semenets and Vyacheslav Volodin.

The second most popular politician in the region, Volodin is one of the organizers of Ayatskov's election campaign to the Federation Council in 1993. In May 1994, he entered the regional Duma on the list of the Union of Reserve Officers supported by Ayatskov. He was deputy chairman of the regional Duma from the deputy group "Center". He could not take the post of speaker only because of his youth, but his influence was so high that he was called the "gray Duma cardinal." After his appointment as governor, Ayatskov took Volodin into his administration as first deputy (vice-governor - first deputy chairman of the government of the Saratov region).

In the biography of Semenets and Volodin there are facts confirming the closeness of Ayatskov to Luzhkov. The fact is that Ayatskov delegated these very devoted cadres to Fatherland. Semenets headed the regional branch of the Fatherland movement, created under the personal control of the governor, and is running for the State Duma of the third convocation on the list of OVR # 4 in the Volga region group. And Ayatskov sent Volodin to Moscow - to the executive committee of the "Fatherland" movement. Volodin received the post of deputy secretary of the political council of the "Fatherland" and is running for the State Duma on the list of OVR # 1 in the Volga region group. Ayatskov hopes that after the December 1999 parliamentary elections, Volodin will head the Fatherland faction in the State Duma.

The Profil magazine (April 12, 1999) names the director of the Liksar Saratov distillery Roman Pipiya as one of the closest businessmen to Ayatskov. Pipiya is so close to Ayatskov that Liksar is considered a structure closed to inspections by local fiscal authorities. According to Profile, Ayatskov personally put Pipia in charge of Lixar. “Why Ayatskov liked him is not known for certain, but, they say, they are well acquainted from their work in the Saratov Poultry Industry, where the current governor was deputy director. Ayatskov, who sought to control all financially important production, could not be entrusted with such a strategically important object as distillery, to a stranger. After all, the production of vodka is one of the few sources of obtaining "live" money. Now Pipia can often be found in Ayatskov's waiting room; what they talk about face to face, they know, perhaps, only very close ones "("Profile" ). Tax collections from the sale of vodka make up about 30% of the budget of the Saratov region. Lobbying for the interests of the plant, Ayatskov obliged the stores to make at least 50% of their vodka turnover on Liksar products. The prosecutor's office protested such restrictions several times, but instead of the old documents, new ones appeared. At the end of 1998, Lixar "was quietly corporatized": 49% and the right to veto the decisions of the shareholders' meeting remained with the state, and who now owns 51% of the shares, "no one except Pipia and Ayatskov knows" ("Profile ").

Upon learning of Alexander Lebed's victory in the elections for governor of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, Ayatskov declared that he "intends to stand as a candidate in the 2000 presidential elections in Russia if Lebed participates in the elections." At the same time, Ayatskov specified that he "realistically" assesses "his chances for the presidency," which he has "higher than Lebed's" ("Hour", Riga, May 19, 1998). "You said that you will participate in the presidential elections only if Alexander Lebed participates in them. What is this strange connection?" - "Well, you have to answer something. The question was this:" Lebed will run for president. And you?". Well, I said: "If there is a Swan, then I will" ("Vek", # 20, 1998).

In the 1996 gubernatorial elections, Ayatskov took advantage of the already existing headquarters of public support for President Boris Yeltsin (Our Word, August 9, 1996), expelling from it representatives of the Our Home - Russia and Reforms - New Course movements, which failed in Yeltsin's campaign. In the elections, Ayatskov was supported by all democratic parties, except for the DPR and Yabloko.

On June 10, 1996, the Regional Electoral Committee registered an initiative group of the Saratov Liberal Democratic Party to collect signatures for the registration of Ayatskov as a candidate for governor. Mikhail Chugunov, the coordinator of the Saratov branch of the LDPR, was registered as an authorized representative of the group in the regional election commission. Most likely, Ayatskov used the registration of another group to collect signatures. "In business contact with the election commissions and the leadership of the headquarters to support Ayatskov, all the coordinators of the city and district organizations of the LDPR, more than 200 agitators - members of the LDPR - are conscientiously and actively working in the assigned areas" (newspaper "LDPR in Saratov", August 7, 1996. ).

Ajatskov never caused allergies among local communists. Yes, and the leaders of the all-Russian level Gennady Zyuganov (KPRF) and Mikhail Lapshin (APR) spoke quite flatteringly about Ayatskov. But after the adoption of the law "On Land", an exemplary outburst of hatred followed. And then praise Ayatskov was considered by the communists to be in bad taste.

Ayatskov has long been actively supported by the Tatar diaspora of the Saratov region. So the opposition even began to gossip that Ayatskov was in fact not Dmitry Fedorovich, but Damir Faridovich, and changed his name when receiving a passport.

According to Ayatskov, he has "too many spiteful critics, from whose bites the place below the back is bitten and resembles an American flag" ("Hour", Riga, May 19, 1998). Ayatskov often associates his connections with this part of the body: "There must be a very strong team nearby. So that it does not attach, sorry, to the ass" (Ayatskov, "Arguments and Facts", # 49, 1999).

"In the newspapers" Rich "," Saratov Vedomosti "," Delovaya Gazeta "signs from cover to cover how bad I am. Could I close these newspapers? Probably, I could, but I don't do it" ("Vek", # 20 , 1998).

On December 5, 1998, Dmitry Ayatskov left the Philharmonic building through the service door, where he met with the people, got into the car and left for the airport, never knowing that Alexander Ustinov, armed with a cleaver, was waiting for him at the front door.

Ustinov is an extraordinary personality: a high level of intelligence, extensive memory and erudition, he knew several languages. He could not get a diploma of higher education - he was expelled from the university for freethinking, went to prison for a fight, returned with tuberculosis and became disabled after the operation. He spent his entire pension on philosophical books and could not find a job. At night, he wrote in notebooks plans to seize power in the country.

In July 1999, Ustinov was declared insane and sent for compulsory treatment to a specialized hospital with intensive supervision. At the trial, evidence against him was given by the leaders of local nationalists (the Russian National Party), whom Ustinov molested with proposals for joint actions to eliminate Ayatskov, the Cossacks, to whom he offered to seize the collection car, and the rector of the Intercession Cathedral, who wrote a denunciation to the FSB, after as "possessed by demons" Ustinov invited him to "participate in the murder of Yeltsin, take hostage the heir of the Romanov dynasty and rob the cashier of the bakery." Everyone confirmed that the murder of Ayatskov was his favorite and most elaborate idea.

LIFE STYLE

Characterized as a tough, decisive, assertive, energetic, authoritarian leader. Proud, purposeful, rude ("Gas workers are hooligans with hot water. I'll put them in the pose of a polar bear!"). He often refers to himself in the third person.

“Dima is hardworking, stubborn, neat by nature, loved to lead, always made something. He studied normally: there were triples and fives. There were always plenty of friends.<...>He is a self-confident person, an optimist" - Ayatskov's mother (interview with "New Style", August 10, 1996).

Service cars: BMW-750 and UAZ-469. According to the Profile magazine (July 5, 1999), Ayatskov loves the BMW-750 so much that "I would love to buy this executive class sedan for personal use. But, alas, there is no such possibility so far." It is not clear why Ayatskov needs official cars at all: in 1998 he bought a batch of bicycles at a local mechanical plant. He began to ride a bicycle to work and forced all the first persons of the province to do it. "The bike is all-weather, mountain. It is provided with an on-board computer, 28 speeds, including one reverse. One drawback - it is single-seat, but reliable - titanium" (Governor's joke, Internet conference, May 25, 1998).

The governor's sporting bullying of local officials also includes bathing in Epiphany frosts. "Saratov officials have been waiting for this day for the second year with bated breath. According to the unwritten governor's order, all ministers and employees of his apparatus should jump after the boss into the hole. "Slope" can only be for a very good reason" ("Komsomolskaya Pravda" , January 21, 1999).

"Despite the winter, I ride a bike, play volleyball, ride a Yamaha snowmobile. Last Sunday I caught a fox on a snowmobile. Sport is health" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, February 24, 1999).

According to the data presented by Ayatskov to the CEC in October 1999, his income for 1998 amounted to 274,321 rubles (governor's salary, teaching activities, other income), he owns a plot of 10 acres in the Saratov region. on which stands his dacha, 162 sq m, an apartment in Saratov 120 sq m, a personal car VAZ-21099 and a boat, as well as either a garage or a "other building" with an area of ​​24 sq m in Saratov.

According to the magazine "Profile" (December 15, 1997), Ayatskov's land plot in Stolypino is not 10 acres, but five hectares. This site was acquired by the governor into private ownership under the Saratov law "On Land".

However, Ayatskov did not indicate his main property during registration. "I am the richest man in the Saratov region. And I do not hide it. I have 9,150,000,000 dollars - that's how much the Saratov region is worth today" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, August 20, 1998).

In 1994, he began building a house for his mother. The construction was completed in 1996. Mother reacted to the housewarming with joy, but she missed the old house, and they didn’t seem to be going to sell it either: “All my life without amenities - I bathed the children in a zinc bath behind the stove, we have been living in this house for forty-six years. Let it stand like a family museum" (Ayatskov's mother, interview with "New Style", August 10, 1996).

"Most of all [domestic] I love my dog ​​- a German shepherd Dick. He does not ask questions and, I think, has already looked through his eyes: he is waiting for me to return home" (Ayatskov, interview with the Vek newspaper, # 20, 1998) .

In the summer of 1999, Ayatskov mentioned that he had ... a domestic crocodile. Journalists tried to find out who gave Ayatskov a crocodile and who takes care of him. In a conversation, Ayatskov flared up and stated that "he bought him in the form of an egg and hatched it himself, and I also take care of him myself, and when he grows up, I will sew boots for his wife" (quoted by "Vechernaya Kazan" dated June 16, 1999. ).

The crocodile is not the only exotic animal in Ayatskov's household. "My animals: two bears, two donkeys, camels, horses, swans" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, August 20, 1998).

In the program "Hero of the day without a tie" Ayatskov said: "He who controls a camel can control the state." Obviously, Ayatskov knew what he was talking about.

The number of Ayatskov's horses is estimated as a herd (according to the data at the end of 1997 - 8 horses). Horses live at the hippodrome, where they perform. "I hope that June, whose rider will be the governor (in the third person - approx. RBC), will show good results. Recently I had to buy an elite stallion for the Elan stud farm. In Azerbaijan, they tried to give me a horse named Karabakh. But I refused: until the conflict is resolved, I will not accept such gifts" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, August 20, 1998).

I wonder where Ayatskov keeps all these animals, even considering that the horses live at the hippodrome, and the bears in the governor's residence (this is not a joke, but Ayatskov's conference on the Internet on May 25, 1998). It is possible that the non-residential premises with an area of ​​24 square meters, indicated by him when registering with the CEC in October 1999, is not a garage at all, but a menagerie.

Claims that he does not use security services (interview with the newspaper "Vek", # 20, 1998).

Collects edged weapons, watches and bells. "I am very zealous about collectibles. Yesterday, for example, I was happy as a child. I was presented with a new Swiss watch" (interview with the Vek newspaper, # 20, 1998).

In 1999, he expressed a desire to fly into space in 2001 in honor of the 40th anniversary of Yuri Gagarin's flight. The money to send the governor into orbit ($10-12 million) will be provided by local patrons (Profil, May 10, 1999, citing Kommersant-Vlast).

The newspaper "Saratov Reporter" (August 20, 1996) conducted a survey among the fine part of the population of Saratov. When answering the question "Who is the cutest man?" Ayatskov was fourth (lost to Vyacheslav Volodin, businessman Vladimir Mishin and regional Duma deputy Vyacheslav Maltsev). And to the question "Whom would you marry if the opportunity presented itself?" the vast majority of ladies named Ayatskov. "It must be assumed that a trivial calculation played a decisive role in the choice," the newspaper concluded, because when answering the question "Who would you like to spend the night with?" Ayatskov was not mentioned at all.

"On the third day of my stay in Moscow, my hands and all other parts of my body begin to itch. Because I'm used to Saratov, I love Saratov and will work in Saratov," Ayatskov said in an interview with Kommersant-Daily (April 3, 1998. ) in response to the question why he will never agree to work in the government of the Russian Federation.

Later it turned out that the reason was not at all an allergy, it was just that Ayatskov, agreeing to work in the government, categorically refused to part with the post of governor, and no one was going to make such an exception for his sake. “I had a conversation with Yeltsin and Primakov on the subject of joining Primakov’s government with the rank of deputy prime minister, without leaving the post of governor of the Saratov region. I have a meeting with Primakov tomorrow, if he confirms his proposal, I will give a positive answer.<...>Everything will depend on the prime minister, what he will offer me, whether I agree or disagree, in any case I will remain the governor of the Saratov region" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, September 28, 1998).

Resting in his native village. He erected a monument to Stolypin there and restored the temple of Dimitry Donskoy ("with the money of patrons and with my participation" - Ayatskov, interview with "Vek", # 20, 1998). He renamed the village from Kalinino (formerly Dmitrovka) to Stolypino: "We held a referendum. Only 20-30 people were against it" (Ayatskov, "Vek").

A portrait of Stolypin hangs in the governor's office.

"I would very much like to know how your beautiful face with a halo above your head appeared on the wall in the church? Were you canonized during your lifetime?" - "A helpful fool is more dangerous than an enemy" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, February 24, 1999).