The agrarian question in the 19th century. The domestic policy of Alexander III: the beginning of the reign; attempts to solve the peasant question; beginning of labor legislation

Peasant question

Having ascended the throne, Alexander III immediately rejected the peasant claims to the land: he called the rumors about the addition to the allotment at the expense of the landowners' lands "harmful" . The democratic and liberal press, on the basis of Zemstvo statistics, has already proved that the peasant lack of land is the real problem of the post-reform countryside, the source of its disorder and disaster. But Alexander III made it clear that he did not consider the land issue to be the topic of the day. He clearly shared the conviction, expressed in protective and Slavophile journalism, that the established allotment of land should provide for the peasant family - with appropriate extra earnings from the same landowner.

Liberal and populist economists developed a whole system of measures for social assistance to the countryside: cutting at the expense of state lands, organizing resettlement on vacant lands, small state and zemstvo land loans that facilitate the purchase of land, and propaganda for agronomic improvements. These measures were not capable of radically solving the agrarian issue, but they held back the ruin of the countryside, making the process of ʼʼdepeasantizationʼʼ less painful. These measures would contribute to the growth of the middle stratum of the peasantry, opposed to its pauperization. But Alexander III did not go for any serious distribution of the budget in the interests of the countryside - ϶ᴛᴏ would have affected the interests of the nobility protected by him. The reduction of redemption payments undertaken by him when transferring peasant farms to compulsory redemption (from January 1, 1883 ᴦ.), as well as the abolition of the poll tax (1882–1886), was prepared as early as the reign of Alexander II. With the organization of resettlement, the government of Alexander III was in no hurry, guided by the same interests of the landowners, who were supposed to have working hands at their side. Things moved forward only with the construction of the Siberian railway, which began in 1893. and completed already under Nicholas II.

At the initiative of Alexander III, the Peasants' Bank was established, which was supposed to facilitate the acquisition of land plots by peasants with soft loans.

At the top there were many opponents of this measure, to which Pobedonostsev belonged. Konstantin Petrovich openly admitted that he “would like to sink the Peasant Land Bank”, which in his eyes was a “fake institution, one of the links in the chain that was woven by the politics of Loris-Melikov and Abaza”. In his opinion, "this is a waste of public money and the introduction of the beginnings of depravity into the people's consciousness".

The policy of Alexander III in peasant affairs can be defined as an attempt at counter-reforms. The reform of 1861 ᴦ., while maintaining communal land tenure, provided that with the payment of redemption payments for the land, the peasants would become its full owners. At the same time, Alexander III actively prevented the formation of peasant private ownership of land, trying to conserve communal land ownership. Here the tsar turned out to be an adherent of Pobedonostsev, who saw in the community with its mutual responsibility a reliable guarantee of the settlement of the rural population, as well as an obstacle to the proletarianization of the peasants. In the 1880s. and Katkov becomes, for the same reasons, an adherent of the communal way of life, which in the 1860s-1870s. in his journalism was condemned as a brake on economic development. The ideologists of the autocracy, like the tsar himself, were least of all interested in peasant thoughts about communal life, they were not taken into account in the lawmaking of Alexander III, addressed to the countryside.

Law 1886 ᴦ. put obstacles to the family redistribution of peasant land. Law 1893 ᴦ. made it difficult to dispose of allotment land for those who bought it. It was forbidden to pledge land, and it was possible to sell it only in the ownership of one's own community.

Strengthening communal fetters, tying the peasant to the allotment, Alexander III, in fact, revised the most important provision of the reform of 1861, aimed at creating independent landowners in the village, who could really contribute to the economic and political stability of the agricultural country.

The famine that broke out in 1891 ᴦ. and repeated in 1892–1893, was evidence of the decline of agriculture. In a country called upon by its natural resources to be the granary of Europe, millions of farmers periodically went hungry - in 1868, 1873, 1880.

But neither in the letters nor in the diaries of the emperor is there a trace of increased attention to the needs of the village, anxiety for it. Count I I Vorontsov-Dashkov advised in 1891 ᴦ., at the height of the famine, to announce that ʼʼat the highest court there will be neither balls nor large dinners, and you donate the money usually spent on this as the first contribution to the fund of the committee for foodʼʼ. If the king made his contribution in favor of the starving, then from the treasury, it did not affect the palace dinners. Their menu, colorfully designed by the artist V.M. Vasnetsov testified that they had not become more modest. Count I. I. Vorontsov, as before, was their indispensable participant. The balls also continued - the royal court lived a familiar life, which seemed to be even brighter and more festive from the electric light carried out in the palaces.

And behind their windows, the dream of Mitya Karamazov again became a reality - as ordinary in its reality as it was prophetic. Again, women with faces dark with grief, with crying children in their arms, came out of the villages to the road to ask for alms. Again, like the hero of Dostoevsky, the Raznochinskaya intelligentsia was tormented by the question: what to do, "so that the child does not cry, so that the black, withered mother of the child does not cry"? It seems that Alexander III did not suffer from these thoughts. Nicknamed from the time of the brothers Gracchi agrarian, the question of land was not recognized by the king as urgent even in the years when the richest country was starving. But this great question foretold great upheavals.

Meanwhile, Alexander III, thinking about the future of Russia, saw it as an agrarian country, where the main occupation of the population is agriculture, the main wealth is bread. But, like the majority of the Romanovs, he was alien to the idea genetically embedded in the national self-consciousness of Russians: everything that is bad and harmful for farmers is bad and harmful for the country as a whole, because its well-being rests on them.

Peasant question - concept and types. Classification and features of the category "Peasant question" 2017, 2018.

Having ascended the throne, Alexander III immediately rejected the peasant claims to the land: he called the rumors about the addition to the allotment at the expense of the landowners' lands "harmful". The democratic and liberal press, on the basis of Zemstvo statistics, has already proved that the peasant lack of land is the real problem of the post-reform countryside, the source of its disorder and disaster. But Alexander III made it clear that he did not consider the land issue to be the topic of the day. He clearly shared the conviction, expressed in protective and Slavophile journalism, that the established allotment of land should provide for the peasant family - with appropriate extra earnings from the same landowner.

Liberal and populist economists have worked out a whole system of measures for social assistance to the countryside: cropping at the expense of state lands, organization of resettlement to vacant lands, small state and zemstvo land loans that facilitate the purchase of land, and propaganda for agronomic improvements. These measures were not capable of radically solving the agrarian problem, but they held back the ruin of the countryside, making the process of "depeasantization" less painful. These measures would contribute to the growth of the middle stratum of the peasantry, opposed to its pauperization. But Alexander III did not go for any serious distribution of the budget in the interests of the countryside - this would have affected the interests of the nobility protected by him. The reduction in redemption payments undertaken by him when transferring peasant farms to compulsory redemption (since January 1, 1883), as well as the abolition of the poll tax (1882–1886), was prepared as early as the reign of Alexander II. With the organization of resettlement, the government of Alexander III was in no hurry, guided by the same interests of the landowners, who were supposed to have working hands at their side. Things moved forward only with the construction of the Siberian railway, which began in 1893 and was completed under Nicholas II.

At the initiative of Alexander III, the Peasants' Bank was established, which was supposed to facilitate the acquisition of land plots by peasants with soft loans.

At the top there were many opponents of this measure, to which Pobedonostsev belonged. Konstantin Petrovich openly admitted that he “would like to sink the Peasant Land Bank”, which in his eyes was “a fake institution, one of the links in the chain that the politics of Loris-Melikov and Abaza spun”. In his opinion, "this is a waste of public money and the introduction of the principles of depravity into the people's consciousness."

The policy of Alexander III in the peasant affairs can be defined as an attempt at counter-reforms. The reform of 1861, while maintaining communal land tenure, provided that with the payment of redemption payments for the land, the peasants would become its full owners. However, Alexander III actively prevented the formation of peasant private ownership of land, trying to conserve communal land ownership. Here the tsar turned out to be an adherent of Pobedonostsev, who saw in the community with its mutual responsibility a reliable guarantee of the settled rural population, as well as an obstacle to the proletarianization of the peasants. In the 1880s and Katkov becomes, for the same reasons, an adherent of the communal way of life, which in the 1860s and 1870s. in his journalism was condemned as a brake on economic development. The ideologists of the autocracy, like the tsar himself, were least of all interested in peasant thoughts about communal life, they were not taken into account in the lawmaking of Alexander III, addressed to the village.

The law of 1886 put obstacles to the family redistribution of peasant land. The law of 1893 made it difficult for those who bought it to dispose of allotment land. It was forbidden to pledge land, and it could only be sold as the property of one's own community.

Strengthening communal fetters, tying the peasant to the allotment, Alexander III, in fact, revised the most important provision of the reform of 1861, aimed at creating independent landowners in the village, who could really contribute to the economic and political stability of the agricultural country.

The famine that broke out in 1891 and repeated in 1892-1893 was evidence of the decline of agriculture. In a country called upon by its natural resources to be the granary of Europe, millions of farmers periodically went hungry - in 1868, 1873, 1880.

But neither in the letters nor in the diaries of the emperor is there a trace of increased attention to the needs of the village, anxiety for it. Count I. I. Vorontsov-Dashkov advised in 1891, at the height of the famine, to announce that “there will be no balls or big dinners at the highest court, and you donate the money usually spent on this as the first contribution to the fund of the committee for food ". If the king made his contribution in favor of the starving, it was from the treasury - it was not reflected in the palace dinners. Their menu, colorfully designed by the artist V.M. Vasnetsov testified that they had not become more modest. Count I. I. Vorontsov, as before, was their indispensable participant. The balls also continued - the royal court lived a familiar life, which seemed, perhaps, even brighter and more festive from the electric light that was carried out in the palaces.

And behind their windows, the dream of Mitya Karamazov again became a reality - as ordinary in its reality as it was prophetic. Again, women with faces dark with grief, with crying children in their arms, came out of the villages to the road to ask for alms. Again, like the hero of Dostoevsky, the Raznochinskaya intelligentsia was tormented by the question: what to do, “so that the child does not cry, so that the black, withered mother of the child does not cry”? It seems that Alexander III did not suffer from these thoughts. Nicknamed from the time of the brothers Gracchi agrarian, the question of land was not recognized by the king as urgent even in the years when the richest country was starving. But this great question foretold great upheavals.

Meanwhile, Alexander III, thinking about the future of Russia, saw it as an agrarian country, where the main occupation of the population is agriculture, the main wealth is bread. But, like the majority of the Romanovs, he was alien to the idea genetically embedded in the national self-consciousness of Russians: everything that is bad and harmful for farmers is bad and harmful for the country as a whole, because its well-being rests on them.

Alexander III refused to continue the liberal reforms begun by his father. He took a firm course in preserving the foundations of autocracy. Reformatory activity was continued only in the field of economics.

Domestic policy:

Alexander III knew that his father, shortly before his death, approved the project of the Minister of the Interior, Loris-Melikov. This project could be the beginning of creating the foundations of a constitutional monarchy. The new emperor had only to formally approve it at a special meeting of senior officials. The meeting took place March 8, 1881. On it, the supporters of the project were in the majority, but the emperor unexpectedly supported the minority. As a result, the Loris-Melikov project was rejected.

AT April 1881 year, the king addressed the people with a manifesto in which he outlined the main task of his reign: the preservation of autocratic power.

After that, Loris-Melikov and several other liberal-minded ministers resigned.

However, the king did not immediately depart from the course of transformation. N. P. Ignatiev, a supporter of reforms, was appointed Minister of the Interior. The moderate liberal N.H. Bunge became the Minister of Finance. The new ministers continued the reform of local self-government begun by Loris-Melikov. To summarize the material received from the zemstvos, a special commission was created, which included senators and representatives of the zemstvos. However, their work was soon stopped.

AT May 1882 Ignatiev was removed from his post. He paid the price for trying to convince the tsar to convene the Zemsky Sobor. The era of turbulent reforms is over. The era of the fight against "sedition" began.

AT 80s The political system of the Russian Empire began to acquire the features of a police state. There were Departments for the protection of order and public security - "Okhranka". Their task was to spy on opponents of power. The Minister of the Interior and the governors-general received the right to declare any area of ​​the country in an "exceptional position." Local authorities could expel unwanted persons without a court decision, refer court cases to a military court instead of a civil one, suspend the publication of newspapers and magazines, and close educational institutions. The strengthening of the position of the nobility and the attack on local self-government began.

AT July 1889 The law on zemstvo district chiefs was issued. He abolished elective and non-estate positions and institutions: mediators, county institutions for peasant affairs and the world court. In the provinces, zemstvo sections were created, headed by zemstvo chiefs. Only nobles could hold this position. The zemstvo chief controlled the communal self-government of the peasants, considered minor court cases instead of a magistrate, approved the sentences of the volost peasant court, resolved land disputes, etc. In fact, in a peculiar form, the pre-reform power of the landowners was returning. The peasants, in fact, were placed in personal dependence on the zemstvo chiefs, who received the right to subject the peasants to punishment without trial, including corporal punishment.

AT 1890"Regulations on provincial and district zemstvo institutions" were published. Zemstvo self-government became a part of state administration, a grassroots cell of power. It was already difficult to call it a self-governing structure. The estate principles intensified during the election of zemstvos: the landowning curia became purely noble, the number of vowels from it increased, and the property qualification decreased. On the other hand, the property qualification for the city curia increased sharply, and the peasant curia practically lost its independent representation. Thus, the zemstvos actually became nobility.

AT 1892 a new township was issued. The right of the authorities to intervene in the affairs of city self-government was officially enshrined, the electoral qualification was sharply increased, and the mayors were declared to be in the public service. Thus, the essence of urban self-government was actually emasculated.

Policy in the field of education.

In the field of education, the authorities began to pursue an unambiguous policy aimed at ensuring that the “lower classes” did not have access to a full-fledged education. This was also one of the ways to combat "sedition".

AT 1884 Universities almost doubled tuition fees. Any student organizations are prohibited. A new university charter was introduced, according to which universities were deprived of autonomy.

AT 1887 Minister of Public Education Delyanov issued an order, called the law on "cook's children". Its meaning was to make it difficult for children from the lower strata of society to enter the gymnasium in every possible way. Tuition fees have increased. Restrictions were introduced on the right to enter the gymnasium. Everything was done to ensure that the children of coachmen, lackeys, cooks did not enter them, who "should not be taken out of the environment to which they belong."

An ardent conservative, chief prosecutor of the Synod and a member of the Committee of Ministers, K.P. Pobedonostsev, also made his contribution to the school business. He spoke out against zemstvo schools, believing that the children of peasants did not need the knowledge received there at all. Pobedonostsev contributed to the spread of parochial schools, where the only teacher was the parish priest.

AT 1886 at the insistence of Pobedonostsev, the Higher Women's Courses were also closed.

Print policy.

Press harassment began.

AT 1882 The Conference of Four Ministers was formed, endowed with the right to prohibit the publication of any printed organ. In it, Pobedonostsev played the first violin.

AT 1883-1885 9 publications were closed by decision of the Four Ministers' Conference. Among them were the popular magazines "Voice" by Kraevsky and "Notes of the Fatherland" by Saltykov-Shchedrin.

AT 1884 for the first time in Russia, a “cleansing” of libraries was carried out. 133 individual book titles were considered "inadmissible".

Attempts to solve the peasant problem.

AT December 1881 A law was passed on the mandatory redemption of peasant allotments. The law terminated the temporarily obligated state of the peasants. The redemption of land by peasants is facilitated. Redemption payments were reduced.

The next reform gradually abolished the poll tax.

AT 1882 measures were taken to alleviate the shortage of land of the peasants. The Peasant Bank was established, which provided soft loans for the purchase of land by peasants. The lease of state lands has been facilitated.

AT 1889 migration law passed. Settlers received significant benefits: they were exempted from taxes and military service for 3 years, and in the next 3 years they paid taxes in half, received small cash benefits.

AT 1893 A law was passed that limited the possibility of peasants leaving the community. Another law narrowed the rights of the community to redistribute the land and assigned allotments to the peasants. The redistribution period could not be less than 12 years. It was forbidden to sell communal lands.

The beginning of labor legislation.

AT 1882 work of children under 12 is prohibited. The working day of children is limited to 8 hours (instead of the previous 12-15 hours). A special factory inspectorate was introduced to supervise the implementation of the law.

AT 1885 night work for women and minors is prohibited.

AT 1886 the law on the relationship between employers and workers. He limited the amount of fines, and all fine money now went to a special fund that went to pay benefits to the workers themselves. Special paybooks were introduced, which stipulated the conditions for hiring a worker. At the same time, the severe responsibility of workers for taking part in strikes is envisaged.

Russia became the first country in the world to exercise control over the working conditions of workers.

Economic development in the 80s.XIX century.

Under Alexander III, the government made energetic efforts aimed at developing domestic industry and capitalist principles in the organization of production.

AT May 1881 the post of Minister of Finance was taken by a prominent scientist-economist N.Kh.Bunge. He saw the main task of the government in the adoption of laws favorable for the development of the economy. In the first place, he put the reform of the tax system. Bunge advocated a weakening of the taxation of the peasants, achieved a reduction in redemption payments and began the gradual abolition of the poll tax. To compensate for the losses of the state from these measures, he introduced indirect taxes and taxes on income. Excise taxes were established on vodka, tobacco, sugar, and oil. New taxes were imposed on city houses, trade, crafts, and customs duties were raised. Measures were taken to develop Russian industry. The increase in customs duties was one such measure. They not only brought income to the state treasury. Bunge also perceived them as a measure protecting domestic industry from foreign rivalry. Duties raised the price of foreign goods, this reduced their competitiveness and had a positive effect on the development of domestic production.

AT 1887 Bunge resigned, and Professor I.A. Vyshnegradsky took his chair. He considered his main task to be the rapid improvement of the state of monetary circulation in the country. To this end, the Ministry of Finance accumulated large reserves of money, and then took an active part in transactions on foreign exchanges. As a result, the purchasing power of the ruble increased.

The government continued the policy of increasing customs duties.

AT 1891 established a new customs tariff. Now imported products of mechanical engineering, and not just raw materials, as it was before, began to be subject to increased fees.

Vyshnegradsky did a lot to attract foreign capital to the country. This was facilitated, among other things, by high customs duties: foreign companies opened their plants and factories in Russia so that their goods were competitive in price. As a result, new industries, new jobs and new sources of replenishment of the state budget appeared.

AT 1892 S.Yu. Witte was appointed Minister of Finance. He continued the economic policies of his predecessors. Witte developed an economic program that included:

Carrying out a tough tax policy, increasing indirect taxes, introducing a state monopoly on the production and sale of vodka;

Further increase in customs duties to protect the developing Russian industry from foreign competition;

Monetary reform to strengthen the ruble;

Widespread attraction of foreign capital to the country.

The program approved by Alexander III was successfully implemented even after his death.

Foreign policy.

The main tasks of Russian foreign policy in the 80-90s:

Strengthening influence in the Balkans;

Good neighborly relations with all countries;

Search for allies;

Establishment of peace and borders in the south of Central Asia;

Consolidation of Russia in the new territories of the Far East.

Balkan direction.

After the Berlin Congress, the role of Germany and Austria-Hungary in the Balkans increased. At the same time, Russian influence in the region was undermined.

At first, everything went well for Russia. Petersburg developed a constitution for Bulgaria, freed from the Turkish yoke. The head of Bulgaria, Prince Alexander Battenberg, appointed L.N. Sobolev as head of government, the Russian military occupied important ministerial posts, created a modern army from the people's militia of Bulgaria, the strongest in the Balkans. But after the coup committed by Prince Alexander, contradictions began to arise between Russia and Bulgaria. Alexander III demanded to restore the constitution. This, as well as the excessive and not entirely skillful interference of Russian officials in the internal affairs of the country, made the prince an implacable enemy of Russia. Then Russia did not support the uprising of the Bulgarians in Eastern Rumelia and their desire to annex the province, subordinate to Turkey, to Bulgaria. These actions were not coordinated with the Russian government, which caused the wrath of Alexander III. The emperor demanded that the decisions of the Berlin Congress be strictly observed. This position of Russia caused a wide wave of anti-Russian sentiments in the Balkans. In 1886 diplomatic relations between Russia and Bulgaria were severed. Russia's influence in Serbia and Romania also weakened.

Search for allies.

AT 1887 relations between Germany and France heated up to the limit. War seemed inevitable. But Alexander III, using family ties, kept the German emperor from attacking France. This provoked the wrath of the German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, who imposed tough economic sanctions against Russia: he banned the provision of loans, increased import duties for Russian goods to Germany. After that, the rapprochement between Russia and France began, which provided Russia with large loans.

AT 1891 France and Russia agreed on mutual assistance and cooperation in the event of a military threat to one of the parties.

AT 1892 signed a military convention between Russia and France. A Russian-French alliance was created, which became a counterweight to the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy.

Thanks to these actions of the Russian government, it was possible to avoid a war between Russia and Austria-Hungary and Germany against France. Peace was established in Europe for a long period.

Asian direction.

AT 1882 Russian troops took Ashgabat. The semi-nomadic Turkmen tribes were subjugated. The Transcaspian region was formed.

AT 1895 the border between Russia and Afghanistan was finally established. This was the end of the expansion of the borders of the Russian Empire in Central Asia.

Far East direction.

The isolation of this region from the center and the insecurity of Russia's maritime borders in the Far East led to the fact that American and Japanese industrialists plundered the region's natural resources. A clash of interests between Russia and Japan was inevitable. With the help of Germany, a strong army was created in Japan, many times greater in number than the Russian troops in the Far East. Japan began to intensively prepare for war with Russia. Russia needed to take measures to protect itself from the threat from the East. Economic and military reasons forced the Russian government to start building the Great Siberian Route - the Trans-Siberian Railway.

Attempts to solve the agrarian issue by Alexander I

Under Alexander1, certain changes took place in the solution of the peasant (agrarian) question.
Decree February 12, 1801 merchants, philistines and state peasants-

we were given the right to buy uninhabited lands (the abolition of the monopoly of the nobles).
1801- It is forbidden to print advertisements for the sale of peasants.

February 20, 1803 d. at the initiative of the count S.P. Rumyantseva decree was issued "About free ploughmen". In accordance with it, landowners could release the serfs

peasants with land on the terms determined by the agreement (for redemption). However, this act was more ideological than real. meaning.

1809- a ban on sending peasants to hard labor and to Siberia.

AT 1804 -5yy.liberation began and in 1804-1818 gg. were peasants freed from serfdom in the Baltics ke (Livland and Estonia). At the same time, they lost their right to land and found themselves completely dependent on the landowners.

AT 1818-1819 gg. Alexander I ordered A.A. Arakcheev and Minister of Finance D.A. Guriev to develop projects for the liberation of the peasants with the maximum observance of the interests of the landlords. Arakcheev proposed to free the peasants by buying them out from the landlord and then allocating land at the expense of the treasury. According to Guryev, relations between peasants and landlords should have been built on a contractual basis. None of the projects

was never implemented.

RESULTS:

The first step towards the abolition of serfdom was taken.

For all the complexity and inconsistency of the personality of Alexander I and his policy, it is difficult to doubt the emperor's desire to carry out liberal transformations in Russia, the basis of which was to be the abolition of serfdom. Why did Alexander I not carry out his plans?

The vast majority of the nobility did not want liberal reforms. In prov-

reforms, Alexander I could rely only on a very narrow circle of higher

dignitaries and individual members of the nobility. Disregard opinion.

most of the nobles, Alexander could not, fearing a palace coup.

The agrarian question in the reign of Nicholas I.

Nicholas1 considered serfdom to be evil and the cause of riots, but he was afraid of the discontent of the nobles, as well as the fact that the peasants would not be able to use the freedom provided because of their lack of education. Therefore, the development of projects to improve the situation of the peasants was carried out in the strictest secrecy.

It was forbidden to sell peasants at retail ( 1841 ), the purchase of landless peasants
nobles ( 1843 ). Decree 1847 the peasants were given the right to redeem on
Liu with land when selling the landlord's estate for debts. AT 1848 a decree followed,
permitting all categories of peasants to acquire immovable property.
The most significant transformations in the peasant question are connected with
the name of the count P.D. Kiseleva. Nicholas I called him "Chief of Staff for
peasant part. Transformations in the state village were supposed to become, as it were, a model for the landowners.

AT 1837-1841. P.D. Kiselev carried out a reform of the management of the state
venerable peasants (state peasants lived on state lands,
controlled by state bodies and were considered personally free). She is
included the uniform allocation of land to the peasants, their gradual transfer to
cash rent, the creation of local peasant self-government,
the opening of schools, hospitals, veterinary stations, the distribution of agricultural
ical knowledge. According to most historians, the reform of P.D. Kiseleva,
along with positive aspects, increased bureaucratic pressure on
state village, minimizing the activities of peasant organizations
new self-government, making them completely dependent on the local administrative
walkie-talkie.

1842-Decree on obligated peasants. In essence, this was an addition to the decree on "free cultivators." When released, the peasant received a land plot not in ownership, but in use for duties.

RESULT: Despite the fact that Nikolai1 understood the harm of serfdom, it was not abolished, since the majority of the nobles were still opposed.

The Great Reform of Alexander II
February 19, 1861 G. Alexander II signed Manifesto on the abolition of serfdom in Russia and a number of "Regulations", explaining the conditions for the liberation of the peasants.
The manifesto dealt with 3 main questions:

personal liberation of the peasants

endowment of land

redemption deal

• they could enter into various transactions in their own name,
• property right,
• open commercial and industrial establishments,
• change place of residence
• move to other classes (philistines, merchants),
• enter the service, in educational institutions,
• to marry without the consent of the landowner,
• defend your rights in court.

2. The size of the allotment, ransom and duties, which the peasants carried before the start of the redemption operation, were determined with the consent of the landowner and the peasant and were recorded in "Statute charter". Monitored the correctness of the transaction conciliator.

The size of land plots was established for each locality with

considering 3 zones:

in black earth zone reduced shower poured from 2.75 to 6 acres,

in non-chernozem zone from 3 to 7 acres,

in steppe areas from 3 to 12 acres.

If the pre-reform peasant land allotment exceeded the post-reform one,

Then the surplus went to the landowner (the so-called "segments").

3. Redemption operation.

Ransom amount:

to the landowner peasant paid 20-25% of the land value.

State paid the rest of the amount (75-80%) to the landowner, but the peasant received this amount in the form of a loan and had to return it to the state within 49 years with 6% per annum. These conditions suited the state most of all,

CONCLUSIONS:

• In terms of its influence on the future development of Russia, this was a progressive, indeed Great Reform, as prominent Russian historians and economists called it. She is laid the foundation accelerated industrialization of Russia.
• Great was the moral significance of the reform that put an end to serfdom. influenced the development of social thought and culture .
• Its cancellation paved the way for other major liberal transformations, the most important of which were zemstvo, urban, judicial and military reforms.

• large landownership
• lack of land for the peasants, which led to lack of land, one of the main reasons for the agrarian crisis of the early 20th century
• the severity of redemption payments interfered with the process of peasants entering market relations
• preserved rural community, which stood in the way of modernization

"Alexander III" - Preservation of autocracy Strengthening power Struggle against the revolutionary movement in the country. Alexander III Counter-reforms in Russia. National policy of Alexander III. Historians and contemporaries about the domestic policy of Alexander III. Dmitry Andreevich Tolstoy - Minister of Internal Affairs. Tasks of the reign of Alexander III:

"Russian Empire" - France, Spain, Bavaria, Kingdom of Italy, Duchy of Württemberg. Russian-Swedish war. Completed by: 8A class student Platonov Artem Leader: Kedrovskaya Elena Igorevna. The French in 1812, captured by the militia. Allies: Austria, Prussia, Switzerland. Wars of the Russian Empire in the 19th century. Austria, UK, Sicily, Sardinia.

"Nicholas the First" - The weakening of the role of Russia in the Balkans and the Middle East. Foreign policy. Terms of the Paris Peace. Monetary reform by E. Kankrin (strengthening of the silver ruble). THE WAY OF THE WAR. Weapons of the war. Portraits of Nicholas I. War footage. Nicholas the First 1825-1855 Reason: Dispute between Orthodox and Catholic clergy in Palestine.

“The domestic policy of Nicholas I” - Read an excerpt from A.S. Pushkin "Eugene Onegin" from the point of view of the "Charter on censorship". Select from the listed activities the most likely areas of activity to eliminate the shortcomings of the existing system. Years of life 1796 - 1855 years of reign 1825 - 1855 "the apogee of autocracy". 6. The following events served as the reason for the speech: a) unsuccessful reforms; b) dynastic crisis; c) defeat in the war. 7. The reason for the failure was: a) a small amount; b) lack of an action plan; c) lack of leadership.

"Foreign policy of Alexander II" - Reading the first paragraph of § 27, fill in the diagram: Far Eastern policy. Sakhalin, went to Russia, and the Kuril Islands - to Japan. The Amur became the border. The Ussuri Territory was jointly owned. But according to the agreement of 1875. After the reforms of the 60-70s. The main goal of Russia's foreign policy in the 60-70s.