All-Union Leninist Communist Youth Union - Komsomol. Jewish roots of the Komsomol What is the Komsomol Central Committee
What is Komsomol? The decoding of the concept will be very familiar to our compatriots of the middle and older generations. But many young people will probably have difficulty explaining what it is. Let us remember this relic of a bygone state.
Komsomol: decoding and essence
In the Soviet country, they were very fond of abbreviations and compound words. These are GULAG, VCHK, DOSAAF, SMERSH, OBKhSS, GTO, general secretary, regional committee, research institute and many others in this countless number of terms unfamiliar to people from the outside, but easily recognizable to tens of millions of residents of the union republics. The abbreviation Komsomol was also in this row. The decoding of the concept was as follows: All-Union Leninist Communist Youth League. In short, it could also be called simply the Communist Youth Council.
Central Committee of the Komsomol: transcript
This organization, although formally considered a product of amateur youth activities, of course, was actually organized at the will of the country's top leadership. In the likeness of the Komsomol had its own Central Committee,
that is, the central committee, which served as the highest body of the youth wing and directed all the work of Komsomol cells and bodies. Every district committee of the Komsomol in every corner of every republic was subordinate to the committee.
History of Komsomol
By its nature, the Komsomol was a mass socio-political organization for all Soviet youth. received by boys and girls upon reaching 14 years of age (that is, the organ was the next step for yesterday’s pioneers). Komsomol was created as the youth wing of the Communist Party the day before in 1917. Of course, the organization did not immediately take its final form. In the first half of 1917, its Petrograd prototype was called the “Socialist League of Working Youth.” The inspiration for its creation was Vladimir Lenin. A year later, the organization grew into an all-Russian one, and even later it expanded its activities to other Soviet republics, existing until the death of the state itself, whose brainchild
she appeared.
The role of the Komsomol in the life of the Soviet country
Union was This word is often used today as a reproach to the heritage of our people. However, along with the negative tendencies inherent in such systems, they often also have positive aspects. An important fundamental characteristic of anyone is the widespread control of the life of society in all its spheres: social, economic, political, spiritual. The state not only ensures its own stability, but also manages the process of educating its citizens: control over the content of literature and cinema, propaganda of humanistic ideas. At the first stage of its existence, the Komsomol was an important tool in promoting education among the peasant masses, eliminating illiteracy, and so on. Later, the Komsomol was at the forefront of Soviet youth, demonstrating examples of the highest achievements in sports, science and other possible realizations.
UDC 94; 32.019.5
The Secretaries of the Central Committee of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League on Komsomol (prepared by V. K. Krivoruchenko and B. A. Ruchkin)
annotation◊ The secretaries of the Central Committee of the Komsomol, who worked in the Komsomol in the 1950-9080s, were offered a questionnaire, to the questions of which they expressed their point of view. The answers were sent by the first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee of the 50s V. E. Semichastny, candidate of pedagogical sciences, secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee of the 50-60s L. K. Balyasnaya, candidate of philosophical sciences, secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee of the 60s Yu. Torsuev, first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee of the 80s V. I. Mironenko, first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee of the 80s V. M. Mishin.
Keywords: Komsomol, Komsomol cadres, history of the Komsomol, secretaries of the Komsomol Central Committee.
Abstract◊ Some secretaries of the Central Committee of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (CC ALYCL) were offered a questionnaire. Here one can find their points of view on the questions. The following secretaries submitted their answers: the first secretary of the CC ALYCL in the 1950s V. E. Semichastnyi, Candidate of Science (pedagogy), the secretary the CC ALYCL in the 1950-1960s L. K. Baliasnaia, Candidate of Science (philosophy), the secretary the CC ALYCL in the 1960s Yu. V. Torsuev, the first secretary of the CC ALYCL in the 1980s V. I. Mironenko, the first secretary of the CC ALYCL in the 1980s V. M. Mishin.
Keywords: Komsomol, Komsomol staff, the history of Komsomol, secretaries, the Central Committee of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League.
Question: What was your path in the Komsomol before you were elected to the Komsomol Central Committee or approved as a responsible employee of its apparatus?
Semichastny V. E. : Secretary of the Komsomol organization of a comprehensive school, secretary of the district committee, secretary of the regional committee, secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol of the union republic, secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol; more precisely, he became a member of the Komsomol Central Committee when he was elected secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee of Ukraine.
Balyasnaya L.K. : Joined the Komsomol in November 1942; Secretary of the Komsomol organization of the school, Secretary of the Bureau of the Komsomol organization of the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the Institute, Mathematics teacher of the Zaporozhye Pedagogical Institute, Deputy of the district, city Council of People's Deputies, Secretary of the Zaporozhye Regional Committee of the Komsomol, Secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol of Ukraine, member of the Central Committee of the Komsomol since 1954, Secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol since 1954 1958.
Torsuev Yu. V. : Since 1950, secretary of the district committee, secretary of the Dnepropetrovsk regional committee, secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee, in 1962-1970 - secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee.
Mironenko V.I. : Joined the Komsomol in 1967, then all levels of Komsomol activity - primary organization, committee with the rights of a district university committee, district committee, Central Committee of the Komsomol from department head to first secretary.
Mishin V. M. : Komsomol activist at the technical school, secretary of the Komsomol committee of the plant, secretary of the Komsomol committee of the university, head of the working youth department of the Komsomol Central Committee, first secretary of the Moscow city committee, secretary, first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee.
Question: What part of your Komsomol biography do you particularly remember and do you talk about it with your friends and family?
Semichastny V. E. : 1950, trip as part of the delegation of the World Federation of Democratic Youth, meetings with Chinese youth. And also participation in the development of virgin and fallow lands. And most importantly - numerous meetings with people.
Balyasnaya L.K.: I keep in my memory and heart everything related to the Komsomol. The most precious thing is friendship, camaraderie, joint work to help the school, institute, hometown of Zaporozhye, participation of the Komsomol in grandiose construction projects, in various activities with children, with the pioneer organization, special care for orphans, orphanages, attention to the affairs of the Komsomol broad public, communication with interesting people. The Komsomol attracted them to itself like a magnet. The birthdays of the Komsomol, the pioneer organization, and the revival of many traditions became national holidays.
Torsuev Yu. V. : Active participation in the formation of a new person - spiritually rich, educated, with ideals and able to defend them. And the forms of this work are very diverse.
Mironenko V.I. : A lot of things. It's hard to pick out anything.
Mishin V. M. : Organization of Komsomol youth subbotniks during the reconstruction of ZIL, military sports camps for “troubled teenagers”, formation of Komsomol detachments for All-Union shock Komsomol construction projects and especially the first detachment at BAM, participation in the preparation and holding of the XI and XII festivals of youth and students in Havana and Moscow, meetings with outstanding people: leaders of communist and workers' parties, youth organizations, meetings and friendship with many wonderful people in our country and abroad.
Question: When you came to the Central Committee, you probably expected to introduce some of your own innovations into the life of the Komsomol. Which of your “owns” did you manage to implement, and which did you not, and why?
Semichastny V. E. : For the first time, it was possible to form the composition of the Secretaries of the Central Committee and the Bureau of the Central Committee of the Komsomol from representatives of all regions of the Union - Moscow, Leningrad, Ukraine, Belarus, the Baltic States, Transcaucasia, Central Asia and Kazakhstan. And secondly, the Komsomol began to live on its own, no longer receiving financial support from the party and the state.
Balyasnaya L.K. : The main dream was to intensify the activities of the Komsomol members themselves, the pioneers, to increase their role as the owners of their organization, to attract everyone’s attention to direct work with children. A dream come true. Students were involved in all Komsomol affairs to the best of their abilities. Raising children has become a national matter. I don’t remember a single initiative of mine that would not have been supported by the Central Committee of the CPSU, the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions, ministries, departments (even the Ministry of Defense), and creative unions.
Torsuev Yu. V. : If we proceed from formal calls, then these are shock construction projects, the development of a movement for a communist attitude towards work, the creation of the “Komsomol Searchlight”, the Council of Young Scientists, the organization of a sociological group in the Komsomol Central Committee, the introduction of scientific foundations into the activities of the Komsomol, the enrichment and creation of new forms of community youth unions of socialist countries. If we talk about the main thing, this is the desire to use the capabilities of the Komsomol to solve pressing, major issues in the lives of both young people and the entire country. A lot has been achieved. We failed - all of us together - to form a generation that would not allow the destruction of the Soviet Union and socialism.
Mironenko V.I. : Expanding the degree of internal freedom in the Komsomol for its members: freedom of the individual, to speak out, to act in accordance with their beliefs and interests. For example: the NTTM system, alternative elections, etc. It was partially possible to implement it. External circumstances and the internal resistance of the existing and very inertial system interfered.
Mishin V. M. : Together with my colleagues, I think, we managed to organize the work on the formation of Komsomol youth detachments in a more meaningful and practical way, to achieve a less consumerist attitude towards young people on the part of the heads of ministries, departments, and local party committees. To displace formalism in the organization of Komsomol political studies and in the work on admission to the Komsomol. To turn the attention of party committees (including the CPSU Central Committee) and society as a whole to the problems of children and youth. Prepare and adopt a fundamental document of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Council of Ministers of the USSR, the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions and the Central Committee of the Komsomol “On the creation of a unified public-state system of scientific and technical creativity of youth,” which created unique legal and economic conditions for the activities of creative youth groups, from which many of today’s economic and financial structures. It was no longer possible for both subjective and objective reasons.
Question: What secrets of the structure of the Soviet political system did you learn while working in the Komsomol Central Committee? Did this knowledge affect your vision of the place and role of the Komsomol in the life of society?
Semichastny V. E. : I don’t know any secret devices of the Soviet political system, but I learned the technology and subtleties of managing the state and public organizations in detail, and all this was useful to me in my further work. My understanding of the Komsomol and its place in society has grown and strengthened significantly. The Komsomol occupied a worthy and rightful place.
Balyasnaya L.K.: After the 20th Congress of the CPSU, many secrets became publicly known. But neither then nor now did they influence my vision of the place and role of the Komsomol in the life of society. The Komsomol at all stages of its history has been an organization of creation, including youth in all spheres of society; took care of her upbringing, developing, protecting her interests, filling her with bright and interesting things.
Torsuev Yu. V. : In the party, state, and Komsomol in the upper echelons of power there were many qualified workers who knew the business. At the same time, the lack of a mechanism for the people and the party to control their “servants” led them to separation from the people and, ultimately, to the degeneration of the party-state nomenklatura.
Mironenko V.I. : When I came to the Komsomol Central Committee, I did not discover any special secrets, new or previously unknown to me. I was surprised that the first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee was not nearly as omnipotent as I thought. It also depends on many circumstances.
Mishin V. M. : Without idealizing the past, I must say: it was a pleasant surprise for me to learn that, despite the presence of excessive to the point of cloying glorification of the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and, a kind of ritual of quoting with or without the statements of the first leader, in the practical activities of the party leadership there was true collegiality. The leaders of the party and the country with whom I had to communicate had a serious attitude towards the Komsomol, and they considered the Komsomol as the most important component of the political system, and their attitude towards the personnel was respectful. Although there were exceptions locally.
Question: What do you see as the benefits and harms of the principle of party leadership of the Komsomol?
Semichastny V. E. : I have always treated the party leadership of the Komsomol with understanding and gratitude. We are talking about normal, intelligent leadership, and not about everyday supervision, fettering the initiative and independence of the organization. In conditions of one-party society and the presence of one youth organization, party leadership (support, assistance, personnel, etc.) is justified.
Balyasnaya L.K. : Benefit - recognition of the high role of the Komsomol in the life of society, youth, the country, in supporting the creation of conditions for its various activities, in encouraging Komsomol initiatives, in providing the right to make proposals on the problems of youth and children to any authorities, government bodies, public organizations. Harm - in many cases, the party bodies showed excessive guardianship, authoritarianism, suppression of initiative, and independence. Everything depended on the people working in both party and Komsomol bodies. I have retained the brightest memories, deep gratitude to the party leadership for their support during all 42 years of work in the Komsomol.
Torsuev Yu. V. : A party without youth is doomed to die. Therefore, from the point of view of the party, it must either have its own youth section, taking into account the specifics of youth, or an independent organization and an ideologically unified (or similar) youth organization. “From the point of view of youth,” they objectively need support, help and “understanding” guidance from older generations. The party leadership ensures generational unity and continuity. The question is that the “guiding” leadership of the party is not replaced by diktat.
Mironenko V.I. : In the specific real conditions of the USSR, the party leadership provided influence, and, consequently, the opportunity for young people to solve various issues of their life, work, study, and recreation, which limited initiative and prevented them from learning to live and think independently.
Mishin V. M. : There is an absolute benefit in the selection and training of Komsomol personnel at all levels. The harm lies in petty supervision, extreme control, which, to a large extent, fetters the initiative of personnel and Komsomol organizations, often in the unconscious pushing of Komsomol committees to copy the style and methods of work of party committees.
Question: What gave the Komsomol Central Committee the right to speak on behalf of all youth (“Soviet youth unanimously approve, undividedly support...”)?
Semichastny V. E. : There were other statements by the Komsomol Central Committee: “Soviet youth demands, makes proposals, advocates, supports initiatives, campaigns, shock work, etc.” The Central Committee of the Komsomol and the entire Komsomol not only spoke on behalf of the youth, but also did everything for all youth, and not just for Komsomol members. I think that recently, uniting more than 60% of the country’s youth, the Komsomol and its governing bodies had the right to speak for all youth. Through its deeds and authority in the country and in society, the Komsomol has won such a right.
Balyasnaya L.K. : The Komsomol Central Committee could speak on behalf of all youth. He had constant connections with the Komsomol organizations of the union republics; Central Committee workers systematically visited the primary organizations, knew about the state of affairs, about the sentiments of young people. These issues were discussed at the bureau and plenums. There was a significant practice of teams headed by Central Committee secretaries leaving for long periods of time. At the same time, the Komsomol Central Committee had no reason to declare that “Soviet youth unanimously approves...”. It didn't reflect reality. Moreover, we ourselves were concerned about the troubles among young people, the negative attitude of some young people towards reality.
Torsuev Yu. V. : Firstly, most of the youth were in the Komsomol. Secondly, the Komsomol expressed (or sought to express) the deep, true interests of young people. Thirdly, the activities of the Komsomol in one way or another contributed to the formation of young people, their entry into life, regardless of whether a person was a member of the Komsomol or not.
Mironenko V.I. : I think that the Komsomol Central Committee never had the right to speak in the form that is given. Although he himself said something like this in his report at the congress. There was an element of wishful thinking to it.
Mishin V. M. : Probably, the fact that the Komsomol united most of the Soviet youth, and the fact that all the fundamental decisions of the Komsomol Central Committee were initially discussed in the primary Komsomol organizations, and after adoption were supported by everyone - both primary organizations and Komsomol committees of all levels. Although the expression “all Soviet youth approves...” was assessed by many of us at that time, to put it mildly, as incorrect and was perceived as a kind of cliche.
Question: What do you see as the benefits and harms of the struggle for the growth of the Union, its transformation into a multimillion-dollar mass organization of youth?
Semichastny V. E. : I don’t think it’s possible to make any assessment of this problem without taking into account the time and situation in the country (pre-war period, war, post-war situation, etc.). At each stage, the issue of Komsomol growth had to be resolved taking into account circumstances and time. At the same time, I am not very approving of the general admission of young people into the Komsomol at the last stage of its existence. Indeed, with this approach, the Komsomol lost its vanguard role, and this led to various kinds of consequences.
Balyasnaya L.K. : Undoubtedly, the pursuit of mass participation reduced the authority of the Komsomol among young people, its right to be called the vanguard of youth, and had a negative impact both on those who sincerely joined the Komsomol and on those who were forcefully drawn into its ranks. I have always been against mass formal admission to the Komsomol, against the fact that being in its ranks gives any privileges. Although life has confirmed that the Komsomol was an excellent school of education, friendship, and camaraderie. And how I would like every boy, every girl to go through this school.
Torsuev Yu. V. : Komsomol in the conditions of victorious socialism is a school in which one must “learn and learn” communism. It is important that as many young people as possible go through this “school”. Therefore, in principle, the Komsomol is an organization widely open to young people. In addition, as life has shown, the most “active”, most “correct” Komsomol members from among the “nomenklatura” turned out to be susceptible to the same diseases (careerism, commodism) as the party nomenklatura, without control “from below” by the broad masses. The “passivity” of many is our inability to “ignite” them.
Mironenko V. N. : This is a big omission. The question of numbers, taken in itself from the complex of problems of the organization, its nature, structure, external environment, is connected with the entire system of social and state institutions, has neither meaning nor answer. This is an attempt to judge the organization according to the laws of life of other organisms, and in general, it is not serious. That's not the point!
Mishin V. M. : As far as I remember, the Komsomol Central Committee never made decisions on increasing the number of Komsomol members. Moreover, we have repeatedly emphasized the need to fight against formalism in admission to the Komsomol. In my opinion, admission to the Komsomol even for “ideal” boys and girls was not harmful, since a member of the Union could be more actively influenced. And even if some Komsomol members did not value the honor of being a member of the Komsomol, still the prospect of considering your personal file was a good educational factor. It seems that for a young man there was a difference: not to join the Komsomol or to be expelled from the Komsomol.
Question: One of the fundamental principles of the life of the Komsomol is the principle of democratic centralism. What can you say today about the possibility of applying this principle in youth organizations?
Semichastny V. E. : Different youth organizations may have different principles for their construction and activities. It all depends on the goals and objectives proclaimed by the youth organization. The Communist Party created the Komsomol not as a cultural and educational organization and not as a club for entertainment and satisfying only its own personal interests. The Komsomol was created under the party to help in building the state. Such an organization must observe discipline and democracy, the principle of subordination of the minority to the majority. Organizations themselves must choose their own development path. The lack of clear principles has led to what we have.
Balyasnaya L.K.: The trouble is not that this principle was the basis of the life of the Komsomol, but in the mistakes that were made in its implementation, in the distortion of the very essence of democratic centralism. While determining the strategic directions of Komsomol activity, improving its organization, taking care of increasing discipline and a sense of responsibility, the Komsomol Central Committee and local Komsomol committees missed the issues of self-government in primary organizations, the development of independence, initiative, and creativity of the Komsomol members themselves. The principle itself is quite viable. At the present stage, there is a need for a creative understanding of this principle from the perspective of management theory, an analysis of the practice of its implementation, especially the reasons that give rise to fatal consequences, and a creative implementation of the principle of democratic centralism by smart and responsible people.
Torsuev Yu. V.: The principle is very good, it is “volume”, dialectical, aimed at self-development of both the “top” and the “bottom” (their interaction). The question is its application. In our actual conditions it was more “centralism” than “democracy” (this is true in wartime or other emergency circumstances). In “peaceful” conditions the emphasis should be on “democracy”. In the current conditions, it is necessary to strengthen both centralism (unity of action) and democracy (coherence of unity of action, participation of the “lower classes” in the development of decisions, and not just blind execution).
Mironenko V.I.: The so-called principles of democratic centralism themselves are the only form of existence of any community of people. It was a simple experiment, pure empirics. No one who is going to create a more or less viable public organization that sets goals for itself and really strives to achieve these goals will be able to avoid using these principles.
Mishin V.M.: Democratic centralism, in my opinion, is a good principle for the life of an organization, since it includes two equivalent concepts. For the sake of objectivity, it should be noted that democracy in the real activities of the Komsomol was the norm. Suffice it to say that the secretaries of the Komsomol committees regularly reported and went through the purgatory of closed secret voting. It should be remembered that if the secretary of the Komsomol committee received at least a few dozen votes “against”, after some time, by an agreed decision of the higher Komsomol committee and the party committee, he was “gently” transferred to either economic or linear party work. For comparison with the current rampant “democracy”, when you can be “popularly elected” if almost 12.5% of voters voted for you.
Question: How would you comment on the statement: “The Komsomol is not just age”?
Semichastny V. E.: The Komsomol laid a fairly solid foundation in a person for the rest of his life, and in this case this statement corresponds to its content, and for some members of the Komsomol the Komsomol is “from and to...”, and this phrase means nothing.
Balyasnaya L.K. : My personal experience, the experience of my friends confirms the correctness and peculiarity of these words. I have been in the Komsomol practically my entire life. And she not only was, but lived through all his bright, varied, amazingly interesting activities. From 1942 to 1956, I was a member of the Komsomol, and the life of the Komsomol was part of my life, and since 1964, working as Deputy Minister of Education, I dealt with the problems of raising children and protecting their rights, I was organically connected with the Komsomol. Even now, in my state of mind, I am ready to be in the ranks of that Komsomol.
Torsuev Yu. V. : True, if staying or working in the Komsomol laid the foundation for life. True, as a motto, as a slogan, as a requirement for the Komsomol itself to instill in a person an “ageless” soul. If this is not the case, it is an empty phrase.
Mironenko V.I. : For those who were there, this is not just age, but the best age, the best part of life - youth.
Mishin V. M. : Komsomol is not just an age, Komsomol has become the destiny for many millions of Soviet people of all generations, and our current brotherhood, our solidarity.
Question: Among former Komsomol activists, there was a belief that the last composition of the Komsomol Central Committee easily “surrendered” the Komsomol to the democrats, because they were more concerned about the organization of their personal destiny. What is your opinion, to what extent did the fate of the Komsomol at the last stage of its existence depend on the personalities of its functionaries?
Semichastny V. E. : I think that these reasoning and beliefs are true. True, their older comrades also helped them in this.
Balyasnaya L.K. : Unfortunately, it is true that the last composition of the Central Committee “gave in” to the Komsomol, moreover, it initiated the liquidation of a unique organization, thereby depriving youth and children of support and protection in such difficult times, squandering a powerful base for educating young people (newspapers, magazines, publishing houses , youth palaces, holiday homes, schools of Komsomol activists and much, much more). The fate of the Komsomol at all stages depended on the personalities of its functionaries. And the last part of the bureau, the secretariat, bears personal responsibility for the dissolution of the Komsomol.
Torsuev Yu. V. : Yes, he betrayed and sold. True, “under the leadership” of the party elite.
Mironenko V.I. : It’s not for me to judge, I myself am one of those who, as they say, “passed.” The accusation of surrendering the Komsomol to the Democrats is very close to accusing the then leadership of the country of surrendering Germany to the Germans, Czechoslovakia to the Czechs and Slovaks, etc.
Mishin V. M. : The Komsomol could have had a different fate, but in history there is no subjunctive mood.
Question: What, in your opinion, from the experience of the Komsomol will find its application in the lives of young people of the 21st century?
Semichastny V. E. : The experience of the Komsomol, in my opinion, will be applied to its overwhelming extent in the lives of young people at all times. In the name of this I lived, worked and tirelessly promote the experience of the Komsomol even now.
Balyasnaya L.K. : The Komsomol’s experience in uniting young people, involving them in meaningful activities of society, creating conditions for the development of creativity, organizing leisure time, and protecting their interests is unique; experience of support, assistance, camaraderie, international brotherhood, in developing the need to live in the interests of the Motherland; experience working with children, children's organizations, associations, supporting children who have lost parental care. Everything connected with childhood was the Komsomol’s native cause. Without this, youth organizations and movements have no future, no continuity of generations.
Torsuev Yu. V.: Involving young people in active participation in the affairs of society, in avant-garde participation in solving the most pressing problems of the whole society. Attracting public attention to the fate of young people, caring for them and forming a worthy replacement, continuation of the best that exists in a given society, continuation and development of what was done in the Komsomol (and society), but did not receive proper development - self-creation by everyone as a free person , master of himself; self-government, self-organization, self-activity, self-realization, in which “for oneself” and “for another” are identical.
Mironenko V.I. : The ability to do everything possible in an impossible situation to ensure that every young person has the right and real opportunity to become what he can and wants to become. If the youth of the 21st century are smart, they will take everything. What he uses is another matter.
Mishin V. M. : A lot. Experience in differentiated work with various categories of youth, labor associations of schoolchildren, student construction teams, schools for young scientists and specialists, heroic-patriotic education, organization of physical education and sports work among children and youth.
Bibliographer. description: Secretaries of the Komsomol Central Committee about the Komsomol / Prep. V. K. Krivoruchenko, B. A. Ruchkin [Electronic resource] // Information humanitarian portal “Knowledge. Understanding. Skill". 2013. No. 4 (July - August). URL: [archived in WebCite] (access date: dd.mm.yyyy).
receipt date: 24.07.2013.
KOMSOMOL - all-Union Lenin-sky com-mu-ni-sti-che-sky union of youth. Mass youthful social-political organization in USSR, re-reserve for the fullness of the Kom-mu-ni-sti-che-skaya party of the Soviet Union, pro-vod-nik it in-li-ti-ki and ideo-logies in the youth environment, the medium of mo-bi-li-za-tions of youth for the decision of the people householder's tasks.
Ob-ra-zo-van on the initiative of the RCP (b) at the 1st All-Russian Congress of the Union of Workers' and Peasants' Youth -zhi as the Russian Communist Union of Mo-lo-de-zhi (RKSM; October 1918). In 1921, I declared myself “the only form of the mass movement of workers’ youth” and I tried to recruit “all of its masses” into its ranks.
In July 1924, the RKSM renamed V.I. Le-ni-na. In March 1926, the re-re-name-no-van in the All-Union Leninsky Kom-mu-ni-sti-che-sky Union of Mol-lo-de-zhi ( Komsomol) in connection with the formation of the USSR in 1922.
Young people between the ages of 14 and 28 could become com-so-mol-tsa-mi. In the 1920s - mid-1930s, the Komsomol og-ra-ni-chi-val received youth non-pro-le-tar-pro-is-ho-zh-de-niya , introduced Canadian experience (from 6 months to 2 years).
Numerical composition: 22,100 people (1918), over 2 million people (1928), over 42 million people (1984), about 21.3 million people (as of July 1, 1991). It was impossible to leave the Komsomol, as well as the CPSU, voluntarily (until 1990), only by decision of the Kom-so-mol organ-gas. new about the exception. The highest governing body of the Komsomol is the congress, the inter-congress is the elected Central Committee, elected from its own sta-va Bureau and Se-k-re-ta-ri-at. It was built, like the communist party, according to the principle of cent-tra-liz-ma (the decisions of the highest authorities were without -us-lov-but obligatory for the lower ones, lesser-shin-st-was oblig-but-to-be-subject to more-shin-st-vu), on based on the selection of all governing bodies (in practice, the formalization of but) and according to ter-ri-to-ri-al-no-pro-production sign (primary or-ga-ni-za-tions were created by month -you worked or studied com-so-mol-tsev and joined the district, city and other organizations in the territorial -ri-to-rii). Number of primary organizations: 8645 (1920), about 474.4 thousand (1987). In 1959, 34% of young people aged 14-28 were members of the Komsomol, in 1965 - 43%, in the mid-1980s - 60%.
The Komsomol is from na-chal-but for-mi-ro-val-sya as part of the party-state structure. In August 1919, the Central Committee of the RCP (b) and the Central Committee of the RKSM adopted a joint document “On the mutual relations of the RKSM and the RCP (b)”, in which it was indicated that the Komsomol recognizes the program and so on of the party. The Central Committee of the RKSM was not subordinate to the Central Committee of the RCP (b). Local committees of the Komsomol work under the control of local committees of the party. The 10th Congress of the RCP(b) (1921) obligated all young party members under 20 to join the Komsomol in order to become an active student -ness in his work.
The Komsomol did not have the right not to accept party members into its ranks, the reception was carried out automatically, without co-operation -blue-de-niya pro-tse-du-ry. According to the instructions of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the Komsomol in the late 1920s - 1930s carried out clean-ups, co-produced masses so-you re-press-siya-mi. During the implementation of the “great ter-ro-ra”, 86.6% of the members of the Komsomol Central Committee were eliminated de-but from his staff [from the staff of the Central Committee of the Military-Industrial Complex (Bolsheviks) for the same period you-ve-de-but 66.2% of the members], dis- Liang General Secretary A.V. Ko-sa-rev and all the former first sec-re-ta-ri of the Komsomol Central Committee (except A.I. Mil-cha-ko-va). The 18th Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) (1939) established that only those com- munists who were whether from the bra-ns to the leadership of the com-so-mol-skie organs. The sec-re-ta-rya-mi ko-mi-te-tov of the Komsomol from the district committees to the Central Committee could only fight from party members.
Party you-ra-ba-you-va-la for the Komsomol political line of its activities, op-re-de-la-la sphere of work in a youthful environment, ru-ko-vo-di-la under-bo-rum and dis-a-new-koy kom-so-mol-sky cadres, osusche-st -in-la-la control over the activities of the Komsomol and gave him ma-te-ri-al-no-fi-nan-so-vuyu do-ta- tion (until 1959). Kom-mu-ni-stic party and go-su-dar-st-vo shi-ro-ko is-pol-zo-va-li Komsomol to attract youth to participate in the implementation of one’s own po-li-ti-ki, in the construction of important national facilities -ek-tov (see article Kom-so-mol-skie construction projects). Everything is on-the-right-of-the-mo-lo-dezh-noy po-li-ti-ki - society-st-ven-but-po-li-ticheskoe, cultural-tour-but-mas-so-voe , sports-tiv-noe, etc. - party osu-sche-st-v-la-la through com-so-mol.
Membership in the Komsomol creates a real advantage for young people when entering universities , admission to work, promotion in the service, etc. Young people up to 23 years old (in fact, up to 28) could join in the CPSU only through the Komsomol. Among those admitted to the party in 1966, com-so-mol-tsy made up 40.1%, in 1973 - 66.2%, in 1981 - 73.1 %.
After the 28th Congress of the CPSU, the party's refusal to intervene in the activities of youth nyh org-ga-ni-za-tions, 21st Congress of the Komsomol (1990) us-ta-no-vil org-ga-ni-za-ci-on-no-po-li-ti-tic sa-mo- the standing of the Komsomol in relation to the CPSU. After the August crisis of 1991, the 22nd extraordinary congress of the Komsomol (September 27) dissolved the organization, having recognized the political role of the Komsomol is ex-cher-pan-noy.
In the leadership of the Komsomol there were the Central (since 1969 Higher) Komsomol school (1944), republican and regional on-nye Kom-So-Mol-Schools, etc. The Central Committee of the Komsomol had publishing houses “Youth Guards” (since 1922), etc., you-ho-di-whether 230 periodical publications, including journals “Kom-so-mol-skaya life”, “Young kom-mu-nist”, “Smena” , “Rural mo-lo-de-zhi”, “Teh-ni-ka - mo-lo-de-zhi”, “Mur-zil-ka”, “Pio-ner”, newspapers “Kom- So-mol-skaya pravda”, “Pioneer-skaya pravda”.
Historical sources:
Thirty years of the Komsomol. Collection of do-ku-men-tov. M., 1949;
To-va-risch kom-so-mol: before-ku-men-you congresses, conferences and the Central Committee of the Komsomol. 1918-1968. M., 1969. T. 1-2;
To-va-risch com-so-mol. Before the congresses of the com-so-mo-la, ple-nu-mov, bureau and sec-re-ta-ria-ta of the Komsomol Central Committee. 1968-1982. M., 1983.
Former first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee Viktor Mironenko:
"Democracy is a theorem that must be proven every day"
Komsomol, a legendary organization, became not only the forge of oligarchs, but also the means of the half-life of the USSR. It cannot be revived, but its experience must be remembered. The first and penultimate secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee, Viktor Mironenko, told the editor-in-chief of Izvestia in Ukraine, Yanina Sokolovskaya, about this
“The Komsomol had $1 billion in its accounts, the party had $10 billion.”
question: Komsomol is compared to the Masonic lodge, because people from it work in power and hold on tightly to each other. Do you agree with this definition?
answer: It's not about Freemasonry, but about personal contacts. Imagine, you communicated with someone, worked at the same factory, made a career together, walked through life. It is impossible to refuse such comrades. I have always said that the Komsomol is a career lift. By the way, I told Gorbachev that I regret only one thing: in 1990 I did not propose to the congress to transform the Komsomol into a Social Democratic party. I was ready for this theoretically, but not psychologically.
Q: Komsomol was also called a subspecies of the mafia.
A: When they now say that billionaires come from the Komsomol, I claim that those with whom I communicated did not become oligarchs. And this is the highest Komsomol level. I don’t consider this organization a mafia, although my PhD thesis is dedicated to the Komsomol. I introduced the term “mobilization model of a youth organization.” It is still in use today.
And the other day I read that again the first student team arrived to build facilities for the future Olympics in Sochi. Everything starts all over again.
But it is unrealistic to revive the Komsomol. It was only possible in its time. The Komsomol was born because millions of young people who had no prospects wanted to defend their rights, it is a revolutionary organization. In my opinion, the revolution did not even begin in 1917, but in 1905, and did not end in 1991.
Q: Is the system of organizing power in the Politburo similar to that in present-day Ukraine?
A: In Soviet times, there was one governing entity - the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. Everything has been simplified. And now the problem with Ukraine is that the country is led by people who came out of Soviet cabinets. The success or failure of a society is not determined by the political system. For example, in America different economic structures coexist: socialism for African Americans, wild capitalism in the criminal sphere and “cultivated” in the higher sphere. But citizens understand: it is better to have such degrees of freedom than to strive for absolute freedom, which does not exist in nature.
Q: Does the Ukrainian lobby in Moscow now influence the authorities?
A: It solves many issues, but not for Ukraine. Ukrainians are not agents of influence. During the Politburo, lobbying was sectoral, territorial, and developed through personal connections. To resolve any issue concerning industry, it was necessary to have our own people in the Central Committee or the State Planning Committee.
Q: What issues could Mironenko solve with his power?
A: Quite serious, although not all of them. Together with Dmitry Tkach, the current ambassador of Ukraine to Hungary, we created a system of scientific and technical creativity for young people, which was later called the first system for cashing out Soviet money, which destroyed the Soviet economy.
Before this, money was moved by bank transfer, and the wage fund was controlled in the most severe manner. There was nothing more sacred than this foundation and Vladimir Ilyich in the Mausoleum.
We were able to make a small breach in the monolith of the Soviet system - we began to pay royalties in cash to the authors of scientific developments. And to achieve this, we went through all the authorities, including the Central Committee. Then Ryzhkov shouted that Mironenko had destroyed the economy of the USSR.
As a result, a law on cooperatives appeared. Cashing began in almost every director's office, but we no longer had anything to do with it.
Q: Have you secured the right for the Komsomol to engage in business?
A: When I left the Komsomol, I handed over to my successor a billion dollars, which we ourselves earned through the Sputnik youth tourism bureau, from publishing activities, and recreation centers. Komsomol was an absolutely self-sufficient organization. I looked at this billion lying in the accounts like a cat at lard.
Then he made up his mind - he went to the head of the party’s Central Committee, Nikolai Kruchina, but he did not make any decision. And later they either threw him out of the window, or he threw himself out. The party then had $10 billion in its accounts.
“Zinchenko is a capable person”
Q: Where did this money disappear after the collapse of the Komsomol?
A: They were probably stolen, but not by Komsomol members. Officially, the money was divided between the last Komsomol congress and the council under the leadership of Alexander Zinchenko. Divided between all fifteen republican organizations.
Q: And then Zinchenko opened a bank in Moscow.
A: I created this bank back in 1989, it was called “Phoenix”. We then decided: if there is more freedom, the opportunity to work in certain market conditions has arisen, we need to create a bank. I gave 500 million rubles - this is how the Komsomol Central Committee became the founder of the bank.
Zinchenko, a capable man, came to me with a proposal - to create the Inter TV channel. He said that the all-Union ORT airwaves are being stretched by regional administrations and filling it with whatever they can find. We went with his idea to Berezovsky, Yakovlev, Patarkatsishvili. I offered to help Zinchenko: “We’ll make him a legal entity and we’ll manage him.” This is how Inter was born.
Q: When you were appointed first secretary, did Shcherbitsky support you? And who was he really: a statesman or a careerist?
A: He was first and foremost a man of his time. And it seemed to me that he loved Ukraine. I convinced Gorbachev that Shcherbitsky was not going to become general secretary; he liked working in Ukraine. Compared to the general background of the central apparatus, he was intelligent and reasonable.
He said: it’s hard to lead when Kiev is the capital of Ukraine, Lviv is the capital of the wrong Ukraine, Kharkov is the first capital of Ukraine, Odessa is not the first, but not the second, Dnepropetrovsk divides time into Petrine, pre-Petrine and Dnepropetrovsk, and no one put Donbass on knees.
I would advise officials to hang Shcherbitsky’s suicide note in their offices next to the president’s portrait. It says “There I have 48,000 rubles that I have saved up. That's all I earned." And this is Shcherbitsky, who actually owned all of Ukraine.
When I interviewed him, he told me: “Keep in mind: as the first person, you are responsible for everything, but you can only lead seven people. And there are only two issues that you must not let out of sight and delegate to someone - these are national and personnel issues.”
In general, I was very lucky in my life, I communicated with great people, I was friends with Metropolitan Pitirim. My notes about conversations with him are now stored in the archives of modern history. Shortly before the death of the Metropolitan, I asked: is there a prediction of the future of humanity in the Holy Scriptures? At first he said “no,” then he thought about it and said: “There is one thing - khan for everyone. And it’s impossible to prevent it.”
Q: They said that you, a big admirer of the philosopher Kant, being a Komsomol leader, laid flowers on his grave...
A: This is an anecdotal story. When I decided that I would leave my post, one of my last trips was to the Komsomol conference in Kaliningrad. I performed all the rituals with visiting ships and factories, but I remembered that I was, after all, a historian and philosopher, and Kant was buried in Kaliningrad. I asked the local Komsomol boys to show me where the grave was. The next day they came to pick me up, brought me to the cemetery, and there, over Kant’s abandoned grave, stood a company of honor guard, an orchestra and a huge wreath with a ribbon “To Immanuel Kant from the First Secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee.”
“Yeltsin began to double”
Q: Now you are publishing Russian-language translations of Ukrainian politicians and philosophers. When the publication of Petliura’s works was being prepared, were there any points that you wanted to exclude from the text?
about: Galina Lesnaya was involved in translating Petliura’s books. She was indignant: “What did you give me?” His letters make the functionary sick, like at a Komsomol meeting.” I myself translated Lysyak-Rudnitsky, and then Drahomanov and Grushevsky will appear in this Ukrainian library.
Q: You were accused of supporting a “district emergency”...
o: It was like that. I really liked Yuri Polyakov’s story about “Emergency”. The image of the first secretary of the Komsomol district committee turned out to be reliable, but the rather weak director Snezhkin began making a film based on the book. The money was allocated by Goskino, and then the secretary for culture, Seryozha Rogozhkin, comes to me, hesitates and says that they want to show the film in the Central Committee. I answered: “Let it be.”
They brought the film, still warm. Almost the entire apparatus of the Central Committee gathered in the hall. I watched the movie, then went up to Snezhkin and said: “This is your directorial failure. You cheated." And Polyakova asked: “How could you allow such a pornography to be made of a talented thing? Sorry, I can’t congratulate you.”
After 3-4 days, the head of Goskino called me on my “stressful” phone and said: “Viktor Ivanovich, they shot a film here called an emergency on a regional scale.” What to do with him?". I say: “It’s your money, your creative plan, you decide. But in my opinion the film is unsuccessful. The guy conjucted"
I understood: Snezhkin was waiting for me to buck and give the command to ban the picture. He will hold a press conference, say that the Komsomol members have recognized themselves and the film will go on with this advertisement. But he never became popular and made no money. And in the Central Committee I was accused that the party was losing its authority because Mironenko released “Emergency” on the screen.
Q: They talked a lot about your quarrel with Yeltsin. Is this a personal objection?
about: The post of first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee was the prerogative of the Moscow Komsomol organization. The appearance of a man from Ukraine was accepted with great difficulty. It was hard for me to get used to the Moscow nomenklatura. And Yeltsin was in approximately the same position. The guys from the Urals advised me: “Go to Yeltsin, he loves the Komsomol, he is democratic.” Indeed, he pleasantly surprised me. But when the “Lyubertsy affairs” began, I saw him differently: in public he was a democrat, but in reality he was a party boor, he broke people, called them the worst names.
Then there was his “historic” speech at the 1987 plenum. I am a witness: there was no historicity there. It was just a joke. The plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party is underway, I am sitting next to Yeltsin, he is sleeping. The corresponding agenda: “Discussion of the report of the General Secretary at the ceremonial meeting dedicated to the 70th anniversary of the October Revolution.”
Gorbachev comes out and comments for about 25-30 minutes. There should be a discussion next, but no one wants to speak. Ligachev insists. Yeltsin is sleeping and makes this kind of involuntary hand gesture. The presidium notices this and says: “Comrade Yeltsin wants to speak.”
He goes to the podium, not understanding anything. Previously, he always spoke with a piece of paper, but here it was not there. Yeltsin finds himself in a completely idiotic situation and begins to say that perestroika is good, it is correct, but there are shortcomings. Here, Mikhail Sergeevich, they praise you, but you don’t react to it. How so? And the secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee is poorly rebuilt, it works in the old way.” And then Ligachev’s face turns red - this is a stone in his garden. Yeltsin “ran into him” because because of Ligachev he could not get through to Gorbachev.
Yeltsin finishes his speech. Gorbachev announces those who have signed up for the performance, and I am horrified to hear that these are people whom Ligachev “hung up.” That is, he prepared for dismissal. They have a chance to curry favor and be saved.
In general, by the sixth speech, Yeltsin had become an enemy of the party and, like Kaplan, he had to be shot. Yeltsin sits with round eyes and does not understand what is happening.
During the break, a group of Democrats gathers. "What to do?" - they ask. I say: “Declare a break and everyone who can speak.”
And literally a few days later, at a ceremonial meeting in the Kremlin, Yeltsin comes up, hugs me and says: “Viktor, thank you for not joining in my persecution.”
Six months have passed, the rector of the Higher Komsomol School, Golovachev, calls me: “Yeltsin spoke with us yesterday. He was asked: “How do you feel about the first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee?” He replied: “Considering that at the October plenum of the CPSU Central Committee he threw mud at me, I will not characterize him in any way.”
A month passes. We meet at a meeting in the Kremlin, and he says to me: “Hello, dear,” and extends his hand. I don’t shake hands, I answer: “Boris Nikolaevich, will you explain to me when you told the truth: after the plenum or a month ago, at the Komsomol school?”
Q: But Yeltsin’s speech was published as the most democratic. It contained everything that the time required, including criticism of Raisa Gorbacheva.
A: Behind this is a political technology story. The Academy of Social Sciences brought together the chief editors of all the newspapers of the Union. They invited Yeltsin and said: “Boris Nikolayevich, you spoke at the plenum, but did not publish your speech. It's a mess." His assistant says: “We’ll bring it tomorrow.” The report was written overnight by Poltoranin and Burbulis, copied and distributed to all editors the next day. A day later, this “speech” was read by the whole country.
Q: Are you happy that you left the Komsomol in time for science?
about: Aristotle was asked: “What is happiness?” He replied: “Happiness is a blessing.” They told him: “There are other blessings.” He replied: “Happiness is the highest good. Wealth, fame and power are very high blessings, but happiness is higher than them.” This formulation is for all times. After Aristotle, no one wrote anything fundamentally new either about man or about communities of people.
“What is beneficial to Russia is also beneficial to me”
Q: How do you feel about the actions of current Ukrainian politicians?
A: The rule here is: if it is socialism, then it should be such that the nuts crack. If capitalism, then the way it is now. Americans and Europeans laugh: “You built capitalism, which in Soviet times was caricatured and used to scare children.” In Ukraine, the influence of big business is very great; it controls government and politically significant flows. It seems to me that the political elite of the new Ukraine is still rather weak. It is unable to resist the corporate interests of individual structures. This is the most serious problem of countries with market economies.
Q: There are several problems in Ukraine that distract it from solving social problems. These are issues of religion, language, relations between East and West, Russia and NATO.
A: Ukraine is trying to build a security system. And in theory, this is correct, if it did not use elements of the Cold War.
The sovereignty of Ukraine lies in its competitiveness, the ability to exist on an equal basis with other nations. Ukrainian democracy is not an axiom, it is a theorem that needs to be proven every day.
Q: In Kyiv they believe that only ideal politicians can prove this theorem, but their names are unknown, their exploits are unknown.
A: There are no ideal politicians. But it would be right if the leaders of Ukraine and Russia had signs on their desks: “What is beneficial to Ukraine...” or “What is beneficial to Russia is also beneficial to me.” Then decisions that could harm the relations of our countries will not be made. They are tightly connected. The damage done to one will be returned threefold by the other.
Who is who
Viktor Mironenko, 55 years old. Head of the Center for Ukrainian Studies, editor-in-chief of the magazine “Modern Europe”. He graduated from the Nizhyn Pedagogical Institute, was the first secretary of the Komsomol of Ukraine, the first secretary of the Komsomol Central Committee.
Nikolai Kruchina 1928 -1991) until 1989 - deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, from 1989 to 1991 - people's deputy of the USSR, from 1983 to 1991 - head of the affairs department of the CPSU Central Committee.
Boris Berezovsky, 62 years old. He was Deputy Secretary of the National Security Council of the Russian Federation, then Executive Secretary of the CIS.
Alexander Yakovlev (1923-2005), corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences. In 1986, he became a member of the CPSU Central Committee, secretary of the Central Committee in charge of issues of ideology, information and culture, and at the June (1987) plenum - a member of the Politburo.
Alexander Zinchenko, 51 years old. In the late 1980s, he became the head of the propaganda and agitation department of the Komsomol Central Committee and the head of the coordinating committee for relations with youth organizations of the USSR.
Mikhail Gorbachev, 77 years old. He was the first and last president of the USSR.
Boris Yeltsin (1931-2007), ex-president of Russia, until November 1987 - first secretary of the Moscow City Committee (MGK) of the CPSU.
Vladimir Shcherbitsky (1918-1990), until 1989 - first secretary of the Communist Party of the Ukrainian SSR.
Pitirim, Metropolitan of Volokolamsk and Yuryev (Konstantin Nechaev) (1926-2003). He headed the publishing department and was the editor-in-chief of the magazine of the Moscow Patriarchate.
Sergei Snezhkin, 54 years old, director of the Lenfilm film studio.
http://www.izvestia.com.ua/?/articles/2008/07/31/190550-12
