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Introduction.

The Great October had a huge impact on the development of the national liberation movement in the countries of the East. The Leninist principles of the foreign policy of the young Soviet state, proclaimed by the Decree on Peace, became the determining factor in Soviet policy towards Afghanistan as well. The appeal of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR "To all the working Muslims of Russia and the East", which confirmed the right of all Muslim peoples to become masters of their own destiny, received a great response here. In essence, this meant the recognition of Afghanistan as a sovereign and independent state. This position of the Soviet government was legally fixed by the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, signed in the spring of 1918, article 7 of which stated that "Persia and Afghanistan are free and independent states."

The Soviet government, taking into account the fact that the establishment of diplomatic relations with Afghanistan would help to assist the liberation struggle of the Afghan people, in July 1918 proposed to establish its representation in Afghanistan. However, Emir Khabibullah Khan, under pressure from the British, rejected this proposal. At the end of 1918, the second attempt was made by the Soviet side, which again ran into opposition from the emir.

Meanwhile, widespread dissatisfaction with the policies of Khabibullah Khan was growing in Afghanistan itself. Taxes and taxes increased in the country, recruiting became more frequent, the authorities were completely lawless in relation to the population. In fact, power ended up in the hands of a temporary worker, Finance Minister Muhammad Hussein, a representative of the emerging comprador circles, who in essence was an agent of British capital and in every possible way contributed to the strengthening of British influence in the country. The emir led an idle life, ignoring the conditions of a rapidly changing environment. His stubborn refusal to establish contacts with the Soviet Republic, that is, to take advantage of favorable opportunities for Afghanistan to achieve independence, contributed to the approach of a crisis in domestic politics and accordingly determined the outcome of his reign.

In the summer of 1918, British troops invaded Soviet Turkestan, capturing Kushka, thus encircling Afghanistan from three sides (by this time they enjoyed undivided influence in Persia). The foreign policy isolation imposed by the British colonialists and actually mothballed by the policy of the Khabibullah Khan regime turned into territorial isolation, reinforced by the direct presence of British troops on the northern and southern borders of Afghanistan. Energetic and radical measures were required to get out of this difficult situation.

In the difficult conditions of the domestic and international situation in the country, the activity of the opposition has sharply intensified. In the summer of 1918 there was a complete assassination attempt on the emir.

Mass repressions began, which, along with the difficult economic situation, caused an aggravation of general dissatisfaction with the regime. On the night of February 20-21, 1919, Emir Habibbula Khan was killed near Jalalabad. For several days, dual power reigned in the country. The brother of the emir, Nasrulan Khan, who was at that time in Jalalabad, proclaimed himself emir. At this time, the third son of Khabibullah Khan, Prince Amanullah Khan (who remained governor in Kabul in the absence of his father), relying on parts of the Kabul garrison and the townspeople, also declared himself emir. He put forward as his immediate goal the liberation of the country from British dependence. The political sympathies of the population turned out to be on the side of the young prince. Soon Nasrullah Khan and some of his supporters were arrested. The temporary worker Muhammad Hussein was hanged. Amanullah Khan became the new emir. An attempt by conservative circles to seize supreme power ended in failure.

After the refusal of the British colonial authorities to recognize Afghanistan as independent in May 1919, hostilities began between the Afghan army and British troops. Despite the numerical superiority of the British and the best technical equipment of their army, the Afghans put up stubborn resistance. The struggle of Afghanistan for independence contributed to the defeat of the British interventionists in the Caspian Sea, as well as the armed uprising of the Pashtun tribes in the North-Western Frontier Province. Britain was forced to make peace with Afghanistan. On August 8, 1919, a preliminary peace treaty was signed in Rawalpindi, according to which the British officially recognized the full independence of Afghanistan. Thus ended the long period of semi-colonial dependence of that country on British imperialism.

The Soviet state provided great support to the struggle of the Afghan people, being the first to recognize the independence of Afghanistan in March 1919. In his letter to Emir Amanullah Khan, V. I. Lenin welcomed the independent Afghan people, confirming the desire of the Land of Soviets to establish friendly relations between the two states. On February 28, 1921, the Soviet-Afghan Treaty of Friendship was concluded, which laid the foundation for friendly relations for many years and was an important factor in strengthening the national sovereignty of Afghanistan.

Afghanistan in the period from 1920 to 1939.

Having achieved independence, the new government of Afghanistan began to implement a whole range of reforms aimed at eliminating economic backwardness and achieving social progress.

One of the most important transformations of this period was the adoption in 1923 of the first constitution in the history of Afghanistan, which confirmed the independence of the country, declared the emir the bearer of supreme power, and declared some civil liberties. The State Council - an advisory body under the emir, Loya Jirga - an all-Afghan assembly of tribal leaders and Muslim theologians, Durbari Ali - a council of government officials and a government were created, to which executive power was transferred.

An important part of the reform program of the government of Amanullah Khan was economic transformation. In 1920, the Land Tax Law was adopted, providing for the conversion of taxes in kind into cash. This accelerated the development of commodity-money relations. In 1923, the Cattle Tax Law was issued, unifying the taxation of all pastoralists and marking additional taxes.

However, the most important innovation of these years, which seriously influenced the subsequent evolution of forms of ownership and, accordingly, the structure of social relations in the countryside, was the provision on the sale of state lands in Afghanistan, adopted in 1924. This act legally fixed private ownership of land, which greatly contributed to the growth of landlordism. land ownership. Almost all the land was sold to landlords, officials and usurers. Other economic measures concerned the resettlement of part of the nomads in the northern regions of the country, the confiscation and sale of land belonging to the clergy. A customs reform was carried out, and a law was passed to encourage industry.

The reforms of the Young Afghan regime as a whole were aimed at eliminating the most archaic forms of the feudal system and accelerating the development of elements of a new socio-economic formation. They largely met the interests of the emerging classes - the "new" landlords and the national merchant bourgeoisie, who were not numerous and did not yet have sufficient economic weight. At the same time, most of the Young Afghan reforms were infringed on the positions of the conservative strata of society - the orthodox elite of Muslim theologians, tribal khans, large feudal landowners. The reforms did not improve the position of the largest productive class, the peasantry, nor did they save it from feudal exploitation. They only accelerated the process of dispossession of the peasants, contributed to the strengthening of their independence from usurers and landowners.

Dissatisfaction with the reforms resulted in an anti-government rebellion of the tribes in Khost, which broke out in the spring of 1924 and was led by the mullahs. The rebels demanded the abolition of the new legislation, the restoration of free trade with British India, the rejection of reforms (mainly social and domestic), which the mullahs declared contrary to Islam. The rebellious tribes received support from the British colonialists, who sought to weaken the Young Afghan regime. The British even tried to put their protege Abdul Karim, the son of the former emir Yakub Khan, at the head of the movement.

The government, unable to suppress the uprising of the southern tribes, made a compromise: at the Loya Jirga held in the summer of 1924, he had to abandon some reforms. The process of reforming the socio-economic structure of the country has slowed down significantly.

The formatting of the new political and economic structure of Afghanistan required the expansion of its external relations. After the restoration of national independence and the elimination of foreign political isolation, the government of Amanullah Khan took energetic steps towards establishing relations with many countries. By 1924 Afghanistan has already maintained ties with the RSFSR, England, Italy, France, Germany, Poland, Belgium, Turkey, Egypt, Iran. In 1926, the Soviet-Afghan Treaty of Neutrality and Mutual Non-Aggression was signed, which was an important milestone in the development of relations between the two countries and legally consolidated the traditional policy of Afghanistan's neutrality. In order to further expand Afghanistan's foreign policy ties and strengthen its international authority, at the end of 1927, Emir Amanullah Khan, accompanied by some ministers and advisers, undertook a long foreign tour.

King Amanullah Khan's itinerary covered India, Egypt, Italy, France, Germany, England, the Soviet Union, Turkey and Iran. During his stay in India, the king called on Muslims and Hindus to unite in the struggle for freedom, alarming the British colonial authorities with his anti-colonialist speeches. In Egypt, which was actually under the rule of the British, he came out with a position of defense of national independence. The stay of Amanullah Khan in Italy was mainly connected with the purchase of weapons. In France, he inspected large industrial enterprises and also agreed on the supply of French weapons. The visit of the Afghan king to Germany was connected with economic considerations. Amanullah Khan signed preliminary agreements on granting concessions to German industrialists for the construction of railways in Afghanistan and invited German engineering and technical personnel to his country.

The British authorities, hosting the Afghan king, tried in every possible way to put pressure on him, demonstrating their industrial and military power to him, intending to persuade him to closer contact with Great Britain to the detriment of Afghan-Soviet ties. However, Amanullah Khan rejected these attempts.

In May 1928, the king arrived in Moscow, warmly welcomed by the leaders of the Soviet state. During a two-week stay in the Soviet Union, he got acquainted with the achievements of the Soviet people in economic and cultural development. Documents were also signed on expanding economic and cultural cooperation between the two countries.

Amanullah Khan's visit to Turkey and Iran ended with the signing of treaties of friendship with these countries, which strengthened their position in the face of the continued political and economic expansion of Western imperialism.

In general, the trip of the Afghan king turned out to be very fruitful, contributed to the strengthening of Afghanistan's external relations, opened up prospects for new important transformations in the economic and domestic political life of the country.

Returning to his homeland, Amanullah Khan began to develop a new series of reforms aimed at eliminating the obsolete feudal foundations. At the end of August 1928, he presented a draft of new reforms at a meeting of the Loya Jirga in Paghman, according to which large feudal lords and tribal leaders were deprived of various privileges. New reforms weakened the political positions of inert Muslim theologians, who undermined the reformist spirit of government policy. Secular courts were established. All mullahs and preachers had to undergo recertification. The king and his supporters tried to modernize family and marriage relations by fixing the minimum age for marriage. However, in this they failed. In October, at a meeting of durbats, supporters of Amanullah Khan put forward new projects for social and domestic reforms, including joint education at school, sending Afghan youth to study abroad, banning polygamy, removing the veil, etc.

An important place in the new program of the Young Afghan government was occupied by issues of economic development. In an effort to limit the economic influence of foreign, Anglo-Indian capital, which monopolized the external and partially internal trade of Afghanistan, the government of Amanullah Khan began to pursue a protectionist policy towards the local merchants. In the 1920s, the first trading joint-stock companies (shirkets) appeared in the country, in which representatives of the ruling circles, including the emir, also participated.

The attempt to unite national capital into shirkets gained significant momentum in the late 1920s, when there were already about 20 trading companies in the country with a total capital of 5.5-6 million afghanis. Shirkets were granted monopolies for the procurement and sale of the most important goods. As a result, the positions of foreign merchants in Afghanistan were somewhat weakened. By the end of the 1920s, national capital carried out about 40% of all foreign trade operations. At the meeting of the Loya Jirga in August 1928, Amanullah Khan informed the deputies about his negotiations with the industrial circles of Western countries and about the signing of concession agreements. He proposed the creation of a state bank, intending to use merchant capital for state needs. But this project was not supported by the merchants, who were afraid to trust the state with their capital and demanded the creation of a private bank.

The reform program of the Young Afghan government included important measures in the field of military development. Offering to reorganize the Afghan army according to the European type, Amanullah Khan insisted on the introduction of a system of compulsory military service instead of the principle of voluntariness, an increase in the term of military service from 2 to 3 years, and a ban on the replacement of recruits and payouts. Since the purchase of weapons abroad required large appropriations, Amanullah Khan in the fall of 1928 introduced an additional emergency tax of 5 afghani per each subject.

The government paid great attention to the fight against ingrained social vices, in particular, against bureaucracy, bribery, and smuggling. However, things did not go beyond appeals and neutral plans in this sphere of state activity: a radical change in the very social structure of the state was required, which was not included in the plans of the Afghans. A proposal was also put forward to reorganize the public administration system. Amanullah Khan suggested creating a National Council - a prototype of the future parliament - instead of the State Council (which, as mentioned above, played the role of nothing more than an advisory body at the court). But even this undertaking in those conditions turned out to be unrealistic due to the growing opposition of various segments of the population to all the reformist activities of the regime of Amanullah Khan.

Some signs of a tense situation in the country appeared already during the meeting of the Loya Jirga. The sharp nature of the discussions around the proposed bills, the open pressure of Amanullah Khan and his entourage on the deputies, the latter's thinly disguised unwillingness to support the reforms - all this testified to the growth of political tension. In the very environment of the king, disagreements on the depth and scope of socio-economic transformations were expanding, there was no political unity, and personal rivalry between various leaders intensified. The radicalism of Amanullah Khan's reforms increased the number of his opponents. The king's attempt to create the Istiklal va Tajaddod (Independence and Renewal) party as the political basis for modernization ran into opposition from a group of influential leaders of the Young Afghan movement who held moderate views. Fearing the emergence of opposition in the highest spheres of power, Amanullah Khan purged the state apparatus. At the same time, some prominent figures, adherents of the Young Afghan ideas, lost their posts. For example, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the ideologist of the Young Afghans, Mahmud-bek Tarzi, and one of the closest advisers to the king, Defense Minister Muhammad Vali Khan, who headed the first Afghan diplomatic mission in Moscow in 1919, resigned. Their place was taken by people without political orientation, but who managed to enter in the confidence of the king. Some of them made no secret of their hostility to the reforms. An atmosphere of intrigue, distrust, enmity, factionalism reigned in Amanullah Khan's environment.

By the autumn of 1928, the alignment of class forces in the country testified to the emergence of broad opposition sentiments. In the camp of opponents of the reformist policy was the reactionary elite of Muslim theologians, whose dissatisfaction was broad and diverse. She was dissatisfied with many government innovations, primarily attempts to reduce her social and political role, secularize many aspects of public life, and put the activities of clergy under the control of secular authorities. Muslim fundamentalists were especially indignant at social reforms that limited their traditional monopoly in the sphere of family and marriage principles. It was these transformations that became the main object of their criticism. Amanullah Khan was declared an "atheist", a "heretic", violating the sacred principles of Islam, following the lead of the "infidels". The top Muslim theologians - the most ardent opponent of the bourgeois reformation - became the ideologist of the anti-government movement. It was joined by large feudal landowners, tribal khans, dissatisfied with the limitation of their administrative power in the field, the deprivation of traditional privileges, and the narrowing of duty-free trade (essentially smuggling) with British India.

The other part of the country's population - peasants, the poorest pastoralists, artisans, handicraftsmen - did not remain aloof from this movement. Some social measures of the government of Amanullah Khan, in particular, the abolition of all kinds of additional taxes and extortions, the elimination of slavery, the proclamation of religious equality, contributed to the alleviation of feudal oppression. On the whole, however, these strata did not benefit directly from the ongoing reforms. On the contrary, in the conditions of the initial stage of the country's transition to the path of bourgeois development, their economic situation deteriorated significantly. The size of the land tax increased, amounting to 45% of the value of the crop by the end of the 1920s. Basically, government reforms were carried out at the expense of the peasantry. Expenses for the king's trip abroad, for the purchases he made of weapons, machinery, and equipment, also fell a heavy burden on the peasant masses. And, finally, the transfer of taxes into monetary form, and the consolidation of private ownership of land directly affected the position of the peasants, causing important shifts in the subsequent evolution of the peasant economy and social relations in the countryside. Having no cash to pay the tax, the peasant borrowed money from a usurer or landowner on the security of a future harvest or his plot of land, thus falling into debt bondage (Expropriation of peasant lands, dispossession of peasants, taking on an increasing scale, continued until the April Revolution 1978). As a result, the peasantry, dependent on the feudal lords and khans, came out against the reforms that worsened their position, and, accordingly, against the Young Afghan regime, constituting the main driving force of the anti-government movement.

The first signs of an impending socio-political crisis appeared in the autumn of 1928, when robber gangs appeared in some areas north of Kabul, robbing the local rich. This was still a spontaneous form of social protest of the peasants, driven to despair by numerous requisitions and the arbitrariness of the local administration. One of these armed detachments of robbers was led by non-commissioned officer Habibbula, nicknamed Bachai Sakao (son of a water carrier), who had deserted from the army. His detachment soon began to attack representatives of local authorities, and gave part of the loot to the poor. The actions of Bachai Sakao in the northern province, the support provided to him by local peasants, worried the government, which was forced to take measures to curb his activities, however, without apparent success.

In the same period, in November 1928, an uprising broke out of some Pashtun tribes in the Eastern Province, which quickly spread to many counties. The governor of the province announced the gathering of military units and tribal militias, at the same time appealing to the rebels with an appeal to stop the rebellion. The central authorities sent additional troops to the rebellious province. At the end of November, there were major clashes between army units and rebel detachments.

The leaders of the uprising, the religious leaders of the Shinwari tribe, Muhammad Alam and Muhammad Afzal, issued a manifesto outlining the goals and objectives of the rebels. The uprising, the document stated, was raised in "an attempt to change the way the country is run, to remove rulers who are prone to bribery and corruption and set laws that are contrary to Sharia." It was further announced that the territories occupied by the rebels were governed "according to Sharia law and the ulema are their true rulers." According to the authors of the document, the reasons for the uprising were based on the “pagan forms” of Amanullah Khan. The manifesto called for the overthrow of the king. December 9, 1928

An agreement was reached on a truce between the rebels and the government delegation for a period of 10 days. However, a few days later the uprising resumed. The rebels laid siege to the center of the province of Jalalabad.

Meanwhile, Bachai Sakao's anti-government activities intensified. His wide popularity among the population of the Northern Province attracted the attention of opposition circles, primarily reactionary theologians, who decided to use Bachai Sakao in the fight against the regime of Amanullah Khan. On December 12, at a meeting of khans in the village of Kalakan (in the homeland of Bachai Sakao), he was proclaimed Emir of Afghanistan under the name of Habibbul Ghazi. On the same day, he attacked the county town of Saray Khoja and disarmed the local garrison. His comrade-in-arms, the small landowner Seyid Hussein, captured the city of Jabal us-Seraj, the garrison of which did without a fight. Bachai Sakao was preparing to capture Kabul.

The king and his entourage found themselves in a difficult position. Inside the ruling elite itself, fear and confusion were observed. Some statesmen secretly established links with Bachai Sakao. The prominent Muslim theologian Hazrat-i Shur Bazar Mujaddadi, who was exiled by Amanullah Khan, stepped up his anti-Amanullist activities. The unrest spread to other provinces in Afghanistan.

General discontent also affected the mood in the army, most of which consisted of representatives of national minorities who were subjected to national oppression. Most of the officers who did not approve of radical reforms also turned out to be disloyal. Desertion from the army became more frequent, then becoming massive. On December 13, a detachment of Bachai Sakao, numbering up to 3 thousand people, attacked Kabul, which was repulsed at the cost of great efforts.

On December 29, reactionary theologians, using Bachai Sakao as their protege, entered into a fatwa (religious edict), where they tried to substantiate the legitimacy of Bachai Sakao's claims to the throne. The fatwa criticized the government's political and social reforms, accused the king of "godlessness" and declared himself deposed. Bachai Sakao was nominated for the post of emir, who, according to the authors of the fatwa, will govern the country in accordance with Sharia.

Amannula Khan, having lost the support of the main social forces, turned to his Durrani tribe for help. However, the tribal leaders refused to support him in the fight against the rebellious eastern tribes and urged him to comply with Sharia rules. The desperate king sent his relative, the governor of Kabul, Ali Ahmad Khan, who secretly harbored opposition sentiments and dreamed of the throne, to Jalalabad to negotiate with the rebels. In early January 1929, he managed to achieve a truce. On January 5, a Jirga of local tribes was created in Jalalabad, which developed its own requirements, including the full restoration of Sharia law, tax cuts, representation of mullahs in the state apparatus, the liquidation of foreign missions, the abolition of the new criminal procedure code, etc.

The growing internal crisis in Afghanistan was accompanied by increased activity of British imperialism in the region. Long before the uprising, the British colonial authorities in India were engaged in the construction of fortifications and lines of communication on the border with Afghanistan, large military forces were concentrated here. In November 1928, maneuvers of the Anglo-Indian troops began here.

At the same time, a well-known British intelligence agent, Colonel Lawrence, appeared in the border area, carrying out subversive work among the tribes of the border strip. The Afghan government issued an order for his arrest if he appeared on Afghan territory.

The British went to open intervention in the Afghan events. British planes repeatedly violated the airspace of Afghanistan. Humphreys, the British envoy in Kabul, had a meeting with Bachai Sakao and assured him of his sympathies. The tense situation in Kabul forced the British to evacuate their diplomatic mission. But their intrigues against the regime of Amanullah Khan did not stop. On December 22, they inspired the escape from the Indian city of Allahabad of the grandson of the former emir Sher Ali Khan, Muhammad Omar, who lived there on the payroll of the British authorities. Muhammad Omar tried to penetrate into the zone of the uprising of the tribes and lead their action against Amanullah Khan, who was objectionable to the British.

In an atmosphere of increasing isolation, the Young Afghan regime capitulated: on January 9, 1929, a firman was published with the rejection of a number of important reforms. Were canceled social reforms, universal military service, the mullahs restored to their former rights, established a senate with the participation of well-known ulema, sardars, khans and some officials. However, this step could no longer give Amanullah Khan even a gain in time. The regime was doomed. Kabul was actually besieged by the rebel troops of Bachai Sakao.

On January 14, 1929, Amanullah Khan abdicated in favor of his elder brother Inayatullah Khan and left the capital, heading for Kandahar. Bachai Sakao, who refused to agree to a truce proposed by the new emir, occupied Kabul and was proclaimed Emir of Afghanistan on January 19. Inayatullah Khan flew to Peshawar on a British plane, subsequently joining Amanullah Khan in Kandahar.

Thus ended one of the important periods of the independent development of Afghanistan. The crisis of the reform policy and the fall of the regime of Amanullah Khan were the result of a complex process of class struggle, reflecting the clash of old and new social forces - feudal reaction and the young national bourgeoisie making its way. The most important component of the class uprisings of the late 1920s was the spontaneous movement of the working strata, who protested against the worsening of their situation. Mass demonstrations by the peasantry and poor pastoralists were used in the struggle against the Young Afghan regime by feudal reaction, supported by British imperialism.

The new government in Kabul, headed by Emir Bachai Sakao, relied on the conservative circles of the largest feudal lords and reactionary theologians, opponents of reforms. Accusing Amannulu Khan of violating Sharia, the new regime declared the abolition of all reforms that infringed on the interests of the reactionary opposition; the abolition of universal military service satisfied the interests of the separatist-minded tribal khans. At the same time, trying to keep the peasantry on his side, the new emir announced the abolition of arrears of previous years, additional fees and taxes.

Immediately after coming to power, Bachai Sakao made attempts to consolidate power in the fight against various pretenders to the throne. His troops succeeded in subjugating the north, the Herat province (and in May 1929 even captured Kandahar). However, a number of regions actually maintained an independent position, only nominally recognizing the authority of Kabul.

With the abolition of the most important reforms of the Young Afghan government, Afghanistan was thrown back in its socio-economic development. Schools were closed, and education fell under the control of the mullahs, the ministries of education and justice were abolished, justice was given to the power of Sharia courts, women were deprived of even those rudiments of rights that they received under Amanullah Khan. In the very first days, a legislative body was created - the Islamie Council, which consisted of mullahs and large khans.

The country's economy was also seriously damaged. Bachai Sakao resorted to widespread confiscations and plunder of property not only of the supporters of Amanullah Khan, but also of a significant part of the merchant class. Foreign and domestic trade were paralyzed. On the roads, robberies and robberies became more frequent. The national industry has collapsed. The prices of essential commodities have risen sharply. Events of 1928 led to a complete breakdown of public finances. In an effort to replenish the treasury, Bachai Sakao increased the tax burden. Thereby renouncing their declarations. The deceived peasantry gradually moved away from the Kabul ruler. In addition, it was not protected from arbitrariness and harassment by the tax administration, which remained in its place after the fall of the government of Amanuly Khan.

In the field of foreign policy, the new regime also failed to achieve success. It has not been officially recognized by any state. Most of the foreign diplomatic missions left Kabul in January-February 1929. Only Turkish, German and Soviet missions remained in the Afghan capital. The government of Bachai Sakao showed no interest in the development of Soviet-Afghan relations, which during this period seriously deteriorated due to the intensification of the anti-Soviet Basmachi movement in Afghanistan. The Emir of Kabul strongly encouraged the activities of the Basmachi, whose gangs repeatedly invaded the territory of the USSR, attacked representatives of the Soviet government and the local population. Despite repeated protests by the Soviet government, no measures were taken by the Kabul regime to curb this anti-Soviet activity.

During the entire period of Bachai Sakao's reign in Afghanistan, the struggle for power did not stop. The former governor of Kabul, Ali Ahmad Khan, who was in Jalalabad, using the current situation and relying on troops and some rebellious tribes, on January 20 declared himself the emir of the Eastern Province. He canceled all the reforms of Amanullah Khan and announced the annulment of tax debts. At the same time, in need of money. He forced the Indian merchants of Jalalabad to pay the debts that they had to return to the government of Amanullah Khan, and began to collect taxes from the population three months in advance. Focusing on the British, Ali Ahmad Khan appealed to them to provide him with financial and military assistance.

Ali Ahmad Khan's attempt to capture Kabul ended in failure due to the desertion of soldiers, as well as tribal contradictions. Deprived of all support, he fled to Peshawar.

Meanwhile, Amanullah Khan, having arrived in Kandahar and learned about the flight of Inayatullah Khan, took back his renunciation and began to prepare for a campaign against Kabul. The population of the province reluctantly responded to the call to support him in the struggle for the throne. However, he soon managed to assemble a small army and march from Kandahar towards Ghazni on March 26, to the place where the large forces of Bachai Sakao were concentrated. By mid-April, the former king's troops reached Ghazni and engaged Bachai Sakao's army. But failures here pursued Amanullah Khan. His army was poorly supplied, the morale of the soldiers was extremely low, besides, the Ghilzai tribes (long-time opponents of the Durrani) came out on the side of Bachai Sakao. At the end of April, Amanullah Khan's army began a disorderly retreat. On May 23, the former king announced the end of the struggle and left Afghanistan with his family. The defeat of Amanullah Khan was predetermined by the program of his struggle, which did not change and therefore did not receive wide support.

In April 1929, the former Afghan ambassador in Moscow, Ghulam Nabi Khan, gathered a fairly large detachment of Uzbeks and Khazarians and unexpectedly captured Mazar-i-Sharif with a blow. He acted as a supporter of Amanullah Khan, without putting forward his own claims to the throne. Soon his power extended to the entire north of Afghanistan. However, after the defeat of Amanullah Khan, the position of Ghulam Nabi Khan was weakened, and he also stopped the fight. Left Afghanistan in early June.

In the spring of 1929, the former Minister of War of Amanullah Khan, General Muhammad Nadir Khan, entered the struggle for the throne. For the position of radicalism with which Amanullah Khan carried out his reforms, in 1924 he was removed from the post of minister and sent as ambassador to France.

In 1927 he retired and settled in Nice as a private citizen. After Bachai Sakao came to power, he left with his brothers Shah Vali Khan and Hashim Khan for his homeland, declaring his intention to fight against the Kabul Emir, who had illegally usurped power. At the same time, Nadir Khan refused to support Amanullah Khan, seeking to organize an independent movement. He covered up his aspirations to seize power with the slogans of the struggle for "an end to the civil war and bloodshed."

In March 1929, Nadir Khan arrived in Khost and began to gather the tribal militia. At the first stage of the struggle against Bachai Sakao, he was accompanied by failures. Tribal feuds took place in the tribal zone, separatist sentiments prevailed. The peasantry still believed Bachai Sakao's promises to ease the tax burden. In addition, the military-political campaign of Nadir Khan began during the spring field work, when the peasants were busy in the fields. Nadir Khan also experienced significant financial difficulties.

However, by the end of the summer the situation changed significantly. Bachai Sakao's policies led the country to economic stalemate and political anarchy. The peasantry ceased to support the regime. The reduction in trade, arbitrariness and repression against merchants led them to the camp of opponents of the Kabul emir. The decentralization of the country has increased; there was a danger of civil war and weakening of sovereignty, which could lead to the loss of state independence. The spontaneous unrest of the working strata did not stop. Under these conditions, various strata of the ruling classes, who initially helped Bachai Sakao, moved away from him, which created favorable conditions for the implementation of Nadir Khan's plans. He was also greatly assisted by Great Britain, with whose representatives he had long maintained close contacts. The activities of Nadir Khan, aimed at suppressing the spontaneous popular movement, uniting the top of the ruling classes and establishing firm power, corresponded to their interests. At the beginning of September 1929, the British colonial authorities contributed to the fact that several thousand people from the Wazir and Mahsud tribes living in British India joined Nadir's army. Later, having already come to power, Nadir Khan received gratuitous financial assistance from the British government in the amount of 175 thousand pounds. Art.

By the end of September, Nadir Khan and his supporters took decisive action. On October 8, his army, having inflicted a major defeat on the emir's troops, captured Kabul. Bachai Sakao, unable to offer serious resistance, fled the capital, but was captured and executed on November 2, 1929, along with his closest henchmen.

On October 15, Nadir Khan entered the capital. At a meeting of his close supporters, he was proclaimed the Padishah of Afghanistan.

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In the camp of Nadir - Shah were both former opponents of Amanullah - Shah, large feudal lords, sardars and tribal khans, inert orthodox mullahs, as well as representatives of new layers of liberal landowners, merchant and usurious capital. For some, he was quite conservative, because he opposed the radicalism of the Young Afghans, others considered him a figure who shared the ideas of economic progress of moderate modernization. Many influential supporters of Amanullah Khan spoke out against him. Nadir Shah brutally cracked down on the Young Afghan opposition. One of the closest associates of the former king, Muhammad Vali Khan, was arrested and executed. In 1932, Ghulam Nabi Khan returned from emigration, who was also soon arrested and executed on charges of organizing an anti-Nadir conspiracy among the Khost tribes. Somewhat later, his brother Ghulam Jelani Khan was executed. Many Amunallisites were arrested, some were expelled from Afghanistan.

The performances of peasants, national minorities, poor pastoralists from the Pashtun tribes continued in the country without regard to the interests of any political group or contender for the throne. Although Shah Nadir and the ruling elite, frightened by the magnitude of the spontaneous discontent of the masses, announced “some indulgence in the collection of arrears”, the tax system itself remained unchanged, requisitions and harassment from officials did not decrease. The peasant economy suffered seriously during the events of 1928-1929.

As early as November 1929, peasant unrest broke out in Kuhdaman, north of Kabul. The rebels, whose number reached 10 thousand people, on November 30 captured the city of Charikar and attacked the city of Jabal us-Seraj. The movement, headed by the most conscious peasants, was brutally suppressed.

In June 1930, an uprising broke out again in this area. The rebellious Tajik population was joined by some Pashtun peasants who were dissatisfied with the government's tax policy. Regular army units were unable to defeat the insurgents. In August, 25,000 militias from various Pashtun tribes gathered in Kabul, to whom he promised to reduce taxes or even exempt them from paying them.

In October 1932, tribal unrest broke out in the Khost area. The rebels opposed the government's tax policy and accused Nadir Shah of breaking promises to cut taxes. At the head of the uprising was a native of the lower clergy, Mullah Levanai. The uprising lasted more than six months. Nadir Shah appealed to the British authorities in India with a request to prevent the tribes of Vazirs - Maskhuds living in India from participating in this movement. The British colonial authorities supported Nadir Shah. The rebels were defeated.

All these actions were an integral part of the general process of the class struggle that unfolded in previous years. Not having reached the scale of social clashes of the previous period, they were filled with new class content, reflecting the increased level of socio-political maturity of the peasantry. Therefore, the exploiting classes considered these movements more dangerous than the radicalism of the Young Afghan reformers. This prompted them to rally around the regime of Nadir Shah.

At the same time, in the summer of 1931, the Afghan army liquidated the remnants of the Basmachi detachments, which not only violated the Soviet border, but also engaged in robbery on Afghan territory.

Having formed a government from his relatives and closest associates, Nadir Shah already on November 16, 1929, issued a declaration in which the basic principles of his domestic and foreign policy were outlined. The main emphasis was placed on the idea of ​​"class union" as the core of the social structure of the state. The goals of economic activity were declared to be the streamlining of the tax system and the fight against embezzlement.

An important place in the program of Nadir Shah was given to religion. The rights and privileges of theologians, restored and expanded by the Bachai Sakao regime, were left unchanged. All provisions of the civil and criminal codes were brought in accordance with the norms of Sharia law. Women were again charged with the duty to wear a veil. Women's schools were closed, polygamy was revived.

The main trailers of the Nadir-Shah regime, set out in his declaration, received legal formalization in the constitution adopted at the meeting of the Loya Jirga in October 1931. Its main task was to consolidate the power of the ruling classes and protect their interests from the social dangers generated by the popular uprisings of the period 1928-1929. At the same time, the regime could not ignore the growing influence of the bourgeois classes, who were striving to take their place in the system of state administration. They were primarily interested in national sovereignty and the elimination of the remnants of feudal fragmentation. The Basic Law proclaimed the equality of all subjects before the law, a number of civil liberties, and abolished feudal class restrictions. Freedom of commercial, industrial and agricultural activities was declared, as well as the inviolability of private property.

The content of a significant part of the provisions of the 1931 constitution was determined by the predominance of feudal relations in the country's economy. They legislated the rights and privileges of Muslim theologians. The rights of the Afghan subjects, it was stated in the constitution, are regulated not only by laws, but also by the provisions of Sharia. The mullahs received great opportunities in the field of education. The teaching of Islamic sciences was declared free. Sharia courts were granted autonomy.

The changed social structure of power, imagining in itself representatives of the bourgeois classes, determined the form of state administration. The functions of the Loya Jirga in matters of financial, and in particular tax policy, were expanded. At the same time, the participation of trade and landlord circles in state bodies was recorded in the constitution. In Afghanistan, a parliament was established, consisting of two chambers - the upper, the Council of Nobles, and the lower, the National Council. The majority of the upper chamber was appointed by the shah from among the large landowners, tribal khans and the top theologians. The National Council was an elected body where literate citizens aged 30 to 70 could be elected, who had a reputation for being “honest and fair”, which made it possible for the ruling elite to reject politically objectionable candidates. Women, landless peasants who moved around the country in search of work, and small nomadic tribes were deprived of the right to participate in elections. The functions of the National Council included the approval of legislative acts, the approval of the state budget, the provision of benefits and privileges to joint-stock companies, and the discussion of issues on internal and external loans. Ministers were formally responsible to Parliament. The National Council had essentially very limited power to influence government policy.

A significant part of the constitution was devoted to the prerogatives and privileges of Nadir Shah and his dynasty. The shah, according to the constitution, had the right to approve the composition of the cabinet of ministers, veto bills, carry out foreign policy, declare war, and conclude peace. Having secured the position of the conservative layers in the constitution and expanding the political rights of the bourgeois classes, which played a growing role in the country's economy, the regime of Nadir Shah legally formalized the ruling landlord-bourgeois bloc, which largely determined the subsequent evolution of the structure.

government in Afghanistan.

The regime of Nadir Shah had to solve complex problems of economic development. Crisis of 1928 - 1929 led to the depletion of public resources. The treasury was empty. In addition, the global economic crisis that has been resolved has had a negative impact on the Afghan economy. Prices for karakul, the main export commodity of Afghanistan, fell on the world market. In connection with the fall in prices for silver in foreign markets, the exchange rate of the Afghan national currency fell. In an effort to replenish the treasury, the Nadir Shah regime resorted to extensive confiscation of the property of Bachai Sakao's supporters. However, all these funds were used not to restore the disordered agriculture, but to grant awards to the khans of the tribes who participated in the struggle against Bachao Sakako, for various punitive operations.

The new regime was financially supported by the capital's merchants. Wealthy merchants made significant donations to the state treasury and took the initiative to carry out economic reforms. Their program was formulated by one of the largest merchants in Afghanistan, Abdul Majid, who proposed to begin the development of agriculture and industry. Since the ruling circles continued the line of the Nadir Shah regime to unite scattered national capital into shirkets, the commercial bourgeoisie, having gone through major upheavals during the crisis of 1928-1929, discovered a desire for a closer alliance in defense of its interests.

In contrast to the previous period, merchants generally supported the idea of ​​shirketization of national capital, especially since this gave them very wide opportunities in the competitive struggle with foreign capital. At the same time, the organization of joint-stock companies urgently demanded the creation of a national credit institution and, with its help, control over the country's monetary and foreign trade market. In January 1931, the country's first bank "Shirketi Askhami" was opened in Kabul with a capital of more than 5 million afghani, with 4.5 million afghani owned by the state, and the rest by the national merchants. The bank was tasked with stabilizing the exchange rate of the national currency and lending to merchants. Later, in 1932, a monopoly was introduced on the harvesting and export of karakul and transferred to the Afghan National Bank, which arose on the basis of Shirketi Askhami. In essence, it was a joint-stock company, which, while regulating the circulation of money in the country, at the same time was engaged in commercial transactions and had a monopoly right to export and import a number of goods.

Having created a bank, the government began organizing shirkets with the direct participation of the Afghan National Bank, which became their shareholder. At the beginning of the 1930s, more than three dozen large shirkets were formed in the country, uniting a significant part of the national capital. By exercising a monopoly on the export and import of many goods, the bank and the shirkets undermined the trading power of foreign merchants. The Afghan merchants, organized into shirkets, were granted numerous benefits. United societies contributed to the growth of domestic savings. In 1936-1937. the total capital of large shirkets exceeded 90 million afghani. In the field of foreign policy, a course towards neutrality and the development of equal relations with all countries was announced, which was enshrined in the constitution of 1931.

At the same time, the regime of Nadir Shah adhered to a rather firm orientation towards Great Britain. England, as noted above, began to support Nadir Shah from the moment he was included in the struggle for the throne. With the coming to power, his contacts with the British colonial authorities in India became even closer. This found practical expression in his negative attitude towards the national liberation movement in the Northwestern province of India, which in 1930 resulted in an anti-colonial uprising in Peshawar. The regime of Nadir Shah prevented the Pashtun tribes in the border zone of Afghanistan from taking part in this uprising and thus helped to suppress it by the British colonial troops. Nadir Shah feared that the democratic nature of the anti-colonial movement in India could have a dangerous impact on the social situation in Afghanistan. England, for its part, appreciated the services of Nadir Shah and provided him with military and financial assistance.

However, Afghanistan, having gone through a complex internal political crisis, needed support for its national independence, the supporter of which the Soviet Union had always advocated for the preservation and strengthening. On June 24, 1931, at the initiative of the Soviet Union, the Soviet-Afghan Treaty of Neutrality and Mutual Non-Aggression was signed in Kabul for a period of five years with automatic annual renewal. The agreement provided for non-interference of the two countries in each other's internal affairs, mutual neutrality in the event of participation in the war by one of them, and the settlement of disputes by peaceful means.

The treaty has taken pride of place in relations between the two countries, being an important international document imbued with the ideas of friendship and good neighborliness. The conclusion of the agreement contributed to the expansion of Soviet-Afghan trade and economic ties. Under the conditions of the world economic crisis, when Afghanistan's trade with the capitalist countries declined sharply, the volume of Soviet-Afghan trade increased significantly. As early as 1932, the USSR came out on top in Afghanistan's exports and second in its imports. In addition, trade relations with the Soviet Union favorably affected the development of the Afghan economy, since the USSR bought Afghan goods at fixed prices, regardless of fluctuations in world market conditions. This helped Afghanistan avoid heavy losses due to the general deterioration in the terms of trade.

Afghanistan's relations with other countries also developed. Nadir Shah's regime sought to establish especially close contacts with Turkey and Iran, signing treaties of friendship with them in 1932. Diplomatic relations were established with Saudi Arabia and Iraq. Attempts were made to strengthen ties with Germany and France, to use their economic opportunities. But they have not received due development, because Afghanistan has refused to grant them concessions. In 1930, a treaty of friendship was signed with Japan, which, however, did not lead to any extensive contacts between the two countries. An attempt was made to attract US capital to Afghanistan, and an Afghan mission was sent there. But American industrial circles, at the time preoccupied with recessions in their own economy, showed no interest in Afghanistan. The period of US economic and political expansion into Afghanistan began later, after the Second World War.

The socio-political life in the country has somewhat revived. The administration system has been reorganized. In 1932, a medical school was opened, which was soon transformed into a medical faculty; Kabul University subsequently arose on its basis. Newspapers and magazines began to be published. However, the internal political situation in the country remained unstable. The brutal persecution and reprisals against the former associates of Amanullah Khan caused reciprocal actions from opposition circles. In November 1933, Nadir Shah was killed by one of the Ammanulists. The throne passed to his son Muhammad Zahir Shah.

Under the new shah, the composition of the cabinet of ministers, headed by Nadir Shah's brother, Muhammad Hashim Khan, remained unchanged; the main directions of the regime's policy have not changed either. The process of concentration and centralization of national capital accelerated. The activities of the Afghan National Bank and the shirkets, whose shareholders were only Afghan subjects, finally undermined the role of foreign merchants in Afghanistan's foreign trade. Foreign merchants have lost even the role of intermediaries in Afghan foreign trade.

In the 1930s, the creation of large shirkets continued not only in Kabul, but also in other cities, in particular in Herat, Kandahar, Mazar-e-Sharif. With the participation of the Afghan National Bank, a number of shirkets were created, focused on trade with the Soviet Union. By 1936, all the major merchants of the country were basically involved in shirkets. Although they continued their independent activities in parallel. By the end of the 1930s, the role of the Afghan National Bank as a regulator of foreign trade operations increased immeasurably, and, accordingly, the political influence of the top of the national trading capital, whose leader, the president of the bank, the merchant Abdul Majid, was appointed Minister of Economy in 1938. The bank gradually moved away from conducting direct trading operations, switching to investing capital in shirkets and lending them. Through the National Afghan Bank and its subsidiary shirkets, whose activities covered a significant part of the trade operations of the domestic market and almost all foreign trade, the process of capital accumulation took place.

At the same time, private capital was reluctant to enter the sphere of production, preferring more profitable commerce. Therefore, in the conditions of the 1930s, when state finances were not great and were absorbed mainly by unproductive expenditures, industrial construction did not develop noticeably. The largest appropriations from the state budget were used to finance road construction and a number of small irrigation projects. Of the few industrial enterprises that arose during this period, one can note a cotton factory in Kandahar, equipped with equipment bought by Amanhula Khan in 1928, as well as a textile mill in Puli Khumri, the creation of which was financed by the government and the commercial and industrial shirket Nasaji ”, a number of small power plants.

In those years, the Soviet Union provided significant assistance to Afghanistan in the creation of a national industry. With his help, cotton-cleaning enterprises were built in the north of the country, including in Kunduz, Mazar-i-Sharif, Imam-Saib and other cities. Soviet-Afghan relations, built on the principles of good neighborliness, mutual respect and non-interference in each other's internal affairs, were becoming increasingly important for Afghanistan. Trade between the two countries has grown rapidly. At the same time, the Soviet Union pursued a trade policy favorable to Afghanistan. The USSR also provided significant assistance to Afghanistan in the development of agriculture, especially in the fight against agricultural pests.

Conclusion.

Thus, during this period, Afghanistan was in general economic and political instability. There was a general deterioration in the economic situation in the country, which was reflected primarily in the position of the working masses, artisans, and the petty bourgeoisie, which thereby caused discontent among various sections of the population, which in those years was of a spontaneous nature. In the zone of the Pashtun tribes, uprisings of peasants and small pastoralists broke out repeatedly, suppressed by the troops. However, light industry gradually developed. The country's constitution was adopted. A parliament and a cabinet of ministers were established. Mutually beneficial relations were established with the imperialist powers, which provided economic support to Afghanistan.

Ministry of Education of the Republic of Kazakhstan

School No. 16

abstract

DISCIPLINE: History

THEME: Afghanistan

Completed by: Svishchev M.A.

Koshurichev A.I.

Checked by: Taran E.G.

Pavlodar 2003

I. Introduction

II. Afghanistan

1) Domestic politics

2) Economy

3) Foreign policy

III. Conclusion

Bibliography:

1. Prorov R.I. "Afghanistan", Moscow Enlightenment 1996

2. Lenin V.I. "Collected Works", v.43 Political Literature Publishing House Moscow 1979

In the history of Afghanistan, the All-Afghan Council (Loya Jirga) has always been of great importance. This Council was convened in the name of discussing the most important issues of the socio-political life of the state. A new legislative body - the State Council was first created under Amanullah Khan (1919 - 1929). At the Loya Jirga (Great Council) of 1928, it was decided to transform the Council of State into the National Council. The creation of a bicameral modern parliament dates back to the reign of Mohammad Nadir Khan (1929-1933). M. Nadir Khan, after coming to power, announced his program of reforms in Afghanistan, one of the main tasks of which was the creation of a bicameral parliament, consisting of the People's Council elected by the population and appointed by the Shah "from among experienced and far-sighted people" of the Senate. And such a parliament was created in 1931.

For all that, members of the Afghan parliament before the adoption of a new constitution in 1964 were more appointed than elected. The functions of the three branches of government - legislative, executive and judicial - were not separated. Parliament, in essence, remained an advisory body. The only exception was the parliament of the 7th convocation (1949-1952). In 1949, during the parliamentary elections, the government gave the population some freedom. As a result, several prominent opposition-minded politicians were elected to this state body. Independent deputies and deputies representing various political movements united and created the United National Front parliamentary faction, which included 50 people. Moreover, when discussing important, especially fundamental issues, the National Front managed to enlist the support of a majority of the 181 deputies of parliament. During the three years of the law-making activity of the 7th convocation parliament, opposition deputies contributed to the development of dozens of laws relating to various spheres of society, and introduced their very useful initiatives. For example, under pressure from deputies from the National Front, the parliament considered and abolished forced free work - begar, the forced purchase of grain from the population at low prices, and the collection of all illegal taxes.

Of exceptional importance was the opposition's demand for a division of the three forms of power, for the responsibility of the Cabinet of Ministers to parliament, for consideration of the unseemly activities of the American company Morrison Knudsen in Afghanistan, and so on. One of the achievements of the opposition in Parliament was the passing of the Press Law in early 1951, which encouraged the emergence of a private press.

In October 1964, the king of Afghanistan, Muhammad Zahir Shah, approved and entered into force a new constitution for the country, according to which, for the first time in the history of Afghanistan, "free, general, secret and direct elections" were formally introduced to the lower house of parliament. The term of office of the deputies of the lower chamber was determined by the constitution at 4 years. The procedure for forming the upper house of parliament was also changed, two-thirds of whose members were elected from each provincial jirga - one person for a period of 3 years, and from each province - one person for a period of 4 years. One third of its members were appointed by the king.

For the first time there was a separation of three branches of power - legislative, executive and judicial. Parliament for the first time received the right to submit a vote of no confidence in the government. Members of parliament freely expressed their opinion, they had the right to demand an account from members of the government, to adopt laws that meet the national interests of the country.

After the coup on July 14, 1973, carried out under the leadership of Zahir Shah's nephew, M. Daoud, Afghanistan was declared a republic. The new regime abolished the 1964 constitution and dissolved parliament. Since then (until the 2005 parliamentary elections) there has been no popularly elected parliament in Afghanistan.

In February 1977, a new constitution was adopted at the Loya Jirga meeting, providing for the creation of a unicameral parliament, whose prerogatives were limited to making decisions on the budget, ratifying state treaties, and sending Afghan armed forces abroad. Parliamentary elections were scheduled for 1979, but on April 27, 1978, the regime of M. Daoud fell as a result of a military coup.

With the coming to power of the Communists in 1978, led by Nur Muhammad Taraki, and then replaced him in 1979 (also through a coup) by his party ally, the Khalqist Hafizullah Amin, there was no parliament in Afghanistan during the time of the Parchamist Babrak Karmal. With the coming to power of another parchamist, Najibullah, an attempt was made to liberalize the regime and the socio-political life of the country. In December 1986, the Loya Jirga adopted a new constitution, which provided for the provision of fundamental rights and freedoms, including the right to establish and operate political parties, and elect a bicameral parliament.

In April 1988, parliamentary elections were held on a multi-party basis. The PDPA received 22.6% of the vote, other parties - 9%. The remaining seats in parliament went to independent deputies. The speakers of the chambers were non-partisan figures of the former regimes: in the Senate - M. Habibi, in the People's Council - A. A. Abavi. It should be noted here that in the conditions of the civil war, when the armed opposition controlled more than 80% of the country's territory, it was not possible to hold "popular, free, democratic elections" to the parliament.

There was no time for nationwide elections during the two-month rule of Mujahideen Sibgatullah Mujaddadi and Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani,

In the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, under the rule of the Taliban, led by Mullah Omar, parliament has become a dream. For the first time, the holding of popular parliamentary elections was mentioned in the agreements of the Bonn Conference in 2001.

The new constitution of Afghanistan, which was adopted in 2003 at the Loya Jirga (it is called the Loya Jirga of the Basic Law), provides for the creation of a Shurai Melli (National Council) parliament, consisting of two houses: the People's Council (Wulusi Jirga or Shurai Namayandagan) and the Council Elders (Senate).

Deputies of the Wulusi Jirga are elected by the people of Afghanistan through free, universal, secret and direct elections in all 34 provinces of the country. The lower house of parliament has 249 seats, of which 68, according to the constitution, must be given to women (two women from each province of the country).

The upper house of parliament (Mishranu Jirga) - the Senate - has 102 deputies, one third of the deputies are elected in provincial councils, one third - in county councils and one third is appointed by the president of the country. The first head of the Mujahideen Transitional Government in Kabul, Sibgatullah Mojaddadi, was elected Chairman of the Upper House of Parliament.

Elections in Shurai Namayandagan were held on September 18, 2005. The composition of the current Afghan parliament bizarrely brought together all those who participated in the history of Afghanistan, from Zahir Shah to Hamid Karzai. The political and ideological spectrum of deputies is quite wide - from former Taliban and current Islamists to former communists and other leftist forces. But in general, the Mujahideen were in the majority.

Almost half of Shurai Namayandagan consists of Mujahideen, 35% of "independent candidates" (among whom there were also many former Mujahideen) and Democrats, about 5% were gathered by the Taliban, communists and technocrats.

As for the party and ethnic classification of deputies, the parliament has not yet published any official data. Therefore, researchers can rely only on their own conclusions, examining the biographies of deputies or relying on some data published in the press. Thus, according to the press, former and current supporters of the Islamic Society of Afghanistan under the leadership of Burhanuddin Rabbani (IOA) hold the most seats in parliament - 52 seats. Here we have in mind the members of the parties created on the basis of the IOA. Then comes the Islamic Party of Afghanistan (IPA) with 18 seats. Part of the IPA members, outwardly breaking with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, registered a party of the same name and took part in the elections. The other party went to the polls as an independent candidate or as part of other parties. Next come: the National Islamic Movement of Afghanistan (NIDA) A. Dostum - 17 seats, a breakaway from the Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan, the Islamic Unity Party of the People of Afghanistan (PIENA) led by M. Mohakkik -16, the United National Party (ONPA, leader N. Olumi) -15, the Islamic Appeal Party (leader A.R. Sayaf) - 9, the National Islamic Front of Afghanistan (NIFA, leader S.A. Gilani) - 8, "Afghan Mellat" or the Social Democratic Party of Afghanistan (SDPA) in headed by A. Ahadi - 7, National Front for the Liberation of Afghanistan (NFSA, leader S. Mojadadi - 6 seats. The Party of National Power of Afghanistan (S. M. Kazimi), the Islamic Movement of Afghanistan (IMA, leader S. M. .A.Jovid), disparate Maoist groups ("Shoalei Javid") and supporters of the Islamic Revolution Movement. The National Rally Party (S.M.Nadiri), the scattered organization of the Wahabi Appeal and the Afghan Youth National Solidarity Party have one deputy in parliament istana (Jamil Karzai), 2 seats for supporters of M. Zahir Shah. The rest of the seats are occupied by independent candidates.

The ethnic composition of the parliament is as follows: Pashtuns - 111, Tajiks - 69, Hazaras - 26, Uzbeks - 20, Turkmens - 4, Arabs -4, Kizilbashi -2, Pashais - 2, Nuristanis - 1, Baluchis - 1, Sodoti - 9 .

At the first joint meeting of the National Council, which was opened by the President of the country, the deputies took the following oath: “In the name of God, merciful and merciful. I swear, in accordance with the precepts of Islam and the values ​​​​of the Basic Law, to ensure national unity, protect the highest interests of the country, honestly and conscientiously perform my tasks.

Although the Mujahideen make up the majority in the parliament, nevertheless, they are still scattered and do not represent a single force. This was clearly demonstrated by the election of the Speaker of the Parliament, when a sharp struggle unfolded precisely between former comrades-in-arms. As a result, Mohammad Yunus Qanuni (he received 122 votes out of 249; his rival Abdul Rab Rasul Sayyaf received 117 votes), a close associate of Ahmad Shah Massoud, a member of the ILA, the founder of the New Afghanistan party, who, in response to the removal of B .Rabbani of his candidacy for the post of speaker of parliament in his favor, undertook to dissolve his party and return to the IOA. Following the election of the speaker, the election of his deputies, secretary and deputy secretary of the Wulusi Jirga took place. According to the rules of Parliament, they are elected for a period of one year. Mohammad Arif Nurzai, deputy from Kandahar, was elected the first vice-speaker, Fawziya Kufi from Badakhshan was elected the second, Sardar Mohammad Rahman Uguli was elected the secretary, Saleh Muhammad Seljuki was the deputy secretary. After a one-year term, the elections of Y.Kanuni's deputies were held. As a result, A. Nurzai was elected for a second term, and nominations for the place of F. Kufi have yet been made. Abdulsattar Khavasi was elected secretary, and Saleh Muhammad Seljuki was elected deputy secretary.

According to the regulations of the parliament, 18 standing commissions have been created and are functioning: on international affairs, on internal affairs (internal security, strengthening borders, national security and local government), on defense and territorial integrity, on finance, budget and banking, on complaints and proposals, on legislation, on women's affairs, civil society and human rights, on justice, judiciary and anti-corruption, on the national economy, non-governmental organizations, rural development, agriculture and animal husbandry, etc.

Such well-known political figures as the leader of the Islamic State of Afghanistan, the former president of the Islamic State of Afghanistan Burhanuddin Rabbani (legislative commission), the leader of the Islamic Appeal Party Abdul Rab Rasul Sayyaf, who ran for the post of speaker of parliament, the leader of the Islamic Unity Party of the People of Afghanistan, Mohammad Muhaqqiq, were elected heads of the parliamentary commissions. , a former parchamist and then a member of the NIDA leadership, Faizullah Zaki, a former parchamist, and now the leader of the Democratic Party of Afghanistan, Abdul Kabir Ranjbar, and others.

Members of the Shurai Namayandagan have the right to form parliamentary groups based on common views. Currently, at least 4 parliamentary groups have been created and are operating in the Afghan parliament, such as National Independence led by Mustafa Kazimi, the National Control group led by engineer Mohammad Asim, groups for development, leader Mohammad Naim Farahi and Afghanistan today, leader Mirwais Yasini.

The parliament, according to the regulations, works for 9 months, the duration of the winter and summer sessions of parliament is four and a half months each. After each of the sessions, the deputies go on a one and a half month vacation. Wulusi jirga meetings are held on Mondays, Wednesdays and Saturdays, Tuesday and Sunday are provided for work in standing committees, on Thursdays deputies meet with their constituents.

The activities of the Parliament are widely covered in the press. Every day, information about the course of the work of the Parliament and the decisions taken in it is provided to the media and printed on the website of the National Assembly (www.nationalassembly.af). The full course of parliamentary sessions is covered in the official print organ of the Vulusi Jirga - "Jaridai Rasmi-ye Vulusi Jirga". The Parliament also publishes the quarterly magazine Shura (Council).

Since then, the activities of the lower house of parliament have been very stormy and accompanied by heated debates and intense discussions.

According to his powers, Shurai Namayandagan approved the structure of the government, members of the government received a vote of confidence in parliament, as well as members of the Supreme Court, its chairman and deputy chairmen, the Prosecutor General, the chairmen of the Security Service, the Central Bank of Afghanistan and the Red Crescent of Afghanistan.

The basic law of the country gives the parliament the right to invite to parliament meetings to request and explain the activities of members of the government, even to announce a vote of no confidence in them. Shurai namayandagan, using his right, invites this or that minister to the meetings of the parliament or its standing committees to report on his activities or explain this or that problem. However, this side of the powers of the parliament often causes misunderstanding and heated debates in the government and the president of the country, and as a result, the decisions of the parliament remain unfulfilled. For example, the parliament announced a vote of no confidence in the ministers of foreign affairs and for refugees and repatriates because of their "weak work", which led to the deportation of Afghan refugees from Iran, the chairman of the Central Bank and one of the members of the Supreme Court did not receive a vote of confidence from the deputies. But the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the country still remains in his post, no decisions have been made on other candidates either. The deputies of the parliament have repeatedly applied to the president of the country with proposals for new candidates for these posts. At the same time, the deportation of Afghan refugees from Iran has not yet stopped, but the country's parliament has never again returned to this issue.

According to the Secretary of the Majlisi Namayandagan Abdulsattar Khavasi, at the end of August, the parliament demanded that H. Karzai nominate the candidacies of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Minister for Refugees and Repatriates, the Chairman of the Central Bank and a member of the Supreme Court within 15 days. In fact, a new stage of confrontation between the parliament and the government has now begun.

In continuation of this, the Parliament decided to invite the Attorney General of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, Abdul Jabar Sabit, to a meeting to clarify his statement that some MPs violated the law, as well as the statement of the MP from Kapisi Province, Haji Farid, that the Attorney General had committed offensive attacks on him. However, the Prosecutor General ignored the parliament's decision, calling it contrary to the country's constitution. Another decision of the parliament concerning the chairman of the Independent Commission on Human Rights was also ignored.

The Attorney General motivated his refusal by the fact that the constitution does not give the Parliament the right to summon him for interrogation. Moreover, the Prosecutor General is sure that the Speaker of the Parliament is doing this because of personal hostility towards him. Although the deputies believe that if the Prosecutor General received a vote of confidence in parliament, they have a legal right to demand clarification from him.

Recent events in parliament and its relationship with the government have revealed clear discrepancies in the wording of certain articles of the constitution. With this in mind, the parliament decided to form an independent commission to oversee the activities of the government. Shurai namayandagan, in accordance with the Basic Law and its Regulations, has the right to create such a commission to review the activities of the government.

Thus, the activities of the Afghan parliament clearly reflect the Afghan reality with all its contradictions and complexities, with the ongoing struggle for power.