Domestic policy of Nicholas I: briefly about the main directions. Domestic policy of Nicholas I Analysis of domestic and foreign policy of Nicholas 1

The history of the Russian state cannot be studied completely, since almost every day more and more new information of past years, or even centuries, appears. But some points are accurate and cannot be changed. A vivid example of this is the internal policy of Nicholas I. His personality is considered one of the most significant in history. His rule was considered quite tough.

Nicholas I- short biography

The heir to the throne was born in 1796 year in Tsarskoye Selo. He found alive his grandmother Catherine II, who reigned at that time. Nikolay's father I was Emperor Paul I, mother - Empress Maria Feodorovna. The future emperor was the third son in the family.
From infancy, the future king was in military service. He was preparing a great future commander. Even all the toys he had had a military theme.

The boy grew up very inquisitive and was distinguished by intelligence and ingenuity. He had an excellent memory. When he grew up, he remembered almost every soldier by name and face. He drew wonderfully, was interested in ballet and opera, understood music.
From a young age, Nikolai always and in everything tried to resemble his idol Peter I.

AT 1817 Nikolay I married the daughter of the king of Prussia. The emperor had seven children. ascended the throne in 1825 year after the sudden death of his elder brother Alexander. The middle brother Constantine refused to reign.

Domestic policy of Nicholas I

The policy within the country was directed by the emperor, first of all, at strengthening the autocracy and raising the status of the country. The king also acted, for the most part, in the interests of the nobles and landlords. All solutions Nicholas I took personally and did not lose sight of a single question.

He carried out many reforms that in no way touched the existing state structure of the state. Since the sovereign was a military man, all his decisions were tough.

The Decembrist uprising had a great influence on the tsar 26 December 1825 of the year. It happened at the very start of the reign of Nicholas I. Popular unrest was associated with the strengthening of the autocracy and the tightening of measures against ordinary peasants. Also, the speakers were against the candidacy of Nikolai I to the role of head of state. The uprising was defeated, or rather, shot. And the most prominent figures were arrested and executed by hanging.

After such an event, the emperor realized that it was necessary to strengthen his position, and this could be done by increasing the staff of the military. FROM 1826 years, the Tsar's own office was replenished. A corps of gendarmes appeared in it, which ensured the security of the state system. In the same year, a special committee was created to develop a reform program. Such an organization coped well with its task.

Lots of attention Nicholas I devoted to printing and education. So almost all printed publications came under censorship. Few articles were published, and then only those that passed a rigorous selection and did not affect the interests of the tsar and the autocracy.

The same thing happened with education. Schools became estates. Secondary and higher educational institutions were closed to ordinary serfs. Thus Nikolay conceived to fight free-thinking. 1828 year - the adoption of school reform. From that time on, poor peasants could only attend lower schools. Universities came under the firm hand of the emperor. Their freedom and independence ended. Now there are bodies supervising the activities of higher educational institutions. Many liberal arts were banned from the curriculum.

The church also came under transformation. Thus, Orthodoxy became the only recognized faith. And they tried to eradicate such faiths as the Old Believers altogether, considering them to be "Satanists" praying against the king. The church has become a machine, subordinate to the bureaucracy of the emperor.

1833, under the clear leadership of Speransky, the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire was published.
A monetary reform is being carried out. All transactions are carried out using the silver ruble.

FROM 1837 years before 1841 Nikolay I together with his entourage Kiselyov, he is closely engaged in peasant reform. At the very beginning of government, the emperor was very impressed by ordinary peasants and wanted to abolish serfdom. However, he later realizes that the freedom of the peasants can turn into trouble for the state as a whole. The adopted reform has significantly improved the lives of ordinary people. But the improvement took place only among the state peasants, and the serfs were practically not affected. Schools and hospitals were created specifically for the peasants. The landowner could free his peasant. They were allocated plots of land that were subject to inheritance. And most importantly, the sale of serfs for debts was prohibited. For the development of land, peasants from villages in which many people lived were resettled in places that were not inhabited. They were given land. Thus, new villages and volosts appeared. Taxes and other levies on serfs were streamlined. So-called public lands have been created. These lands were cultivated jointly and the resulting harvest was also used together.

Under Nicholas I, with 1837 construction projects are gaining momentum. For example, the first railway line in Russia is being built.
AT 1848 In 2010, a reform related to the inventory of property was carried out. Now the landowners had to recalculate the property, at least 1 once a year. Information about the recalculations flocked to the emperor.

Emperor ruled 30 years. But over the years, nothing concrete has been done to improve the country's standard of living. Nicholas I could not replace Peter I. And the sovereign could not even closely resemble him.

The final stage in the reign of Nicholas I was the Crimean War, which began in 1853 year. The Russian Empire accepted defeat. This showed that the country is still very far from the developed European countries. And first of all, it is necessary to restore order within the country.

Domestic policy of Nicholas I acted only in the interests of the courtiers and landlords. Ordinary people were dissatisfied, therefore, throughout the entire period of government, popular uprisings and riots broke out throughout the country.

At a lesson on the topic "Nicholas I. Domestic policy in 1825-1855." the factors that influenced the formation of the personality of Nicholas I are listed. The main goal of his policy is determined - to prevent an uprising in Russia. Freethinking in Russia is completely banned, Nicholas I dreams of abolishing serfdom, weakening it, but does not dare to cancel it. The reasons for this indecision of the emperor are revealed. The financial reform carried out by Nicholas I is considered. The construction of railways and highways contributes to the economic recovery. The inconsistency of the development of culture and education in the country is emphasized.

Preliminary remarks

It must be said that in historical science for many years, an extremely negative image of Nicholas I himself (Fig. 2) and his thirty-year reign, which, with the light hand of Academician A.E. Presnyakov, called "the apogee of autocracy."

Of course, Nicholas I was not a born reactionary and, being an intelligent person, he perfectly understood the need for changes in the economic and political system of the country. But, being a military man to the marrow of his bones, he tried to solve all problems through the militarization of the state system, rigid political centralization and regulation of all aspects of the country's public life. It is no coincidence that almost all of its ministers and governors had general and admiral ranks - A.Kh. Benkendorf (Fig. 1), A.N. Chernyshev, P.D. Kiselev, I.I. Dibich, P.I. Paskevich, I.V. Vasilchikov, A.S. Shishkov, N.A. Protasov and many others. In addition, among the large cohort of Nikolaev dignitaries, a special place was occupied by the Baltic Germans A.Kh. Benkendorf, V.F. Adlerberg, K.V. Nesselrode, L.V. Dubelt, P.A. Kleinmichel, E.F. Kankrin and others, who, according to Nicholas I himself, unlike the Russian nobles, did not serve the state, but the sovereign.

Rice. 1. Benckendorff()

According to a number of historians (A. Kornilov), in domestic policy, Nicholas I was guided by two fundamental Karamzin ideas, which he outlined in his note “On Ancient and New Russia”: a) autocracy is the most important element of the stable functioning of the state; b) the main concern of the monarch is selfless service to the interests of the state and society.

A distinctive feature of the Nikolaev rule was the colossal growth of the bureaucratic apparatus in the center and in the field. So, according to a number of historians (P. Zaionchkovsky, L. Shepelev), only in the first half of the 19th century. The number of officials at all levels has increased by more than six times. However, this fact cannot be assessed as negatively as it was done in Soviet historiography, because there were good reasons for this. In particular, according to academician S. Platonov, after the Decembrist uprising, Nicholas I completely lost confidence in the upper strata of the nobility. The emperor now saw the main support of the autocracy only in the bureaucracy, so he sought to rely on just that part of the nobility for which the only source of income was public service. It is no coincidence that it was under Nicholas I that a class of hereditary officials began to form, for whom public service became a profession (Fig. 3).

Rice. 2. Nicholas I ()

In parallel with the strengthening of the state and police apparatuses of power, Nicholas I began to gradually concentrate in his hands the solution of almost all more or less important issues. Quite often, when solving this or that important issue, numerous Secret Committees and Commissions were established, which were directly subordinate to the emperor and constantly replaced many ministries and departments, including the State Council and the Senate. It was these authorities, which included very few top dignitaries of the empire - A. Golitsyn, M. Speransky, P. Kiselev, A. Chernyshev, I. Vasilchikov, M. Korf and others - that were endowed with huge, including legislative, powers and exercised the operational leadership of the country.

Rice. 3. Officials of "Nikolaev Russia")

But the regime of personal power was most clearly embodied in His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery, which arose back in the time of Paul I in 1797 G. Then under Alexander I in 1812 it turned into an office for considering petitions addressed to the highest name. In those years, the position of head of the office was occupied by Count A. Arakcheev, and she (the office) even then had considerable powers of authority. Almost immediately after accession to the throne, in January 1826, Nicholas I significantly expanded the functions of the personal office, giving it the importance of the highest state body of the Russian Empire. Within the framework of the Imperial Chancellery in first half of 1826 Three special departments were created:

I Department, which was headed by the Secretary of State of the Emperor A.S. Taneyev, was in charge of the selection and placement of personnel in the central executive authorities, controlled the activities of all ministries, and was also engaged in the production of ranks, the preparation of all imperial Manifestos and Decrees, and control over their execution.

II Department, headed by another state secretary of the emperor, M.A. Balugyansky, focused entirely on the codification of the dilapidated legislative system and the creation of a new Code of Laws of the Russian Empire.

III Branch, which was headed by a personal friend of the emperor, General A. Benckendorff, and after his death - General A.F. Orlov, completely focused on political investigation within the country and abroad. Initially, the basis of this Department was the Special Chancellery of the Ministry of the Interior, and then, in 1827, the Gendarme Corps was created, headed by General L.V. Dubelt, who formed the armed and operational support of the III Section.

Ascertaining the fact that Nicholas I sought to preserve and strengthen the autocratic-feudal system through the strengthening of the bureaucratic and police apparatus of power, we must admit that in a number of cases he tried to solve the most acute domestic political problems of the country through the mechanism of reforms. It was this view of the domestic policy of Nicholas I that was characteristic of all major pre-revolutionary historians, in particular V. Klyuchevsky, A. Kiziwetter and S. Platonov. In Soviet historical science, starting with the work of A. Presnyakov "Apogee of autocracy" (1927), special emphasis began to be placed on the reactionary nature of the Nikolaev regime. At the same time, a number of modern historians (N. Troitsky) rightly say that in their meaning and origin, the reforms of Nicholas I differed significantly from previous and upcoming reforms. If Alexander I maneuvered between the new and the old, and Alexander II yielded to the pressure of the new, then Nicholas I strengthened the old in order to more successfully resist the new.

Rice. 4. The first railway in Russia ()

Reforms of Nicholas I

a) The Secret Committee of V.P. Kochubey and his reform projects (1826-1832)

December 6, 1826 Nicholas I formed the First Secret Committee, which was supposed to sort through all the papers of Alexander I and determine which projects of state reforms could be taken by the sovereign as a basis for pursuing a reform policy. The formal head of this Committee was the Chairman of the State Council, Count V.P. Kochubey, and M.M. became the actual leader. Speransky, who long ago shook off the ashes of liberalism from his feet and became a staunch monarchist. During the existence of this Committee (December 1826 - March 1832) 173 official meetings were held, at which only two serious reform projects were born.

The first was the estate reform project, according to which it was supposed to cancel Peter's "Table of Ranks", which gave the right to military and civil ranks to receive nobility in order of length of service. The Committee proposed to establish such an order in which the nobility would be acquired only by birthright, or by "the highest award."

At the same time, in order to somehow encourage government officials and the emerging bourgeois class, the Committee proposed creating new classes for domestic bureaucrats and merchants - "bureaucratic" and "eminent" citizens who, like the nobles, would be exempted from the poll tax, recruitment duty. and corporal punishment.

The second project called for a new administrative reform. According to the project, the State Council was freed from a pile of administrative and judicial cases and retained only legislative functions. The Senate was divided into two independent institutions: the Governing Senate, consisting of all ministers, became the highest body of executive power, and the Judicial Senate - the highest body of state justice.

Both projects did not in the least undermine the autocratic system, and, nevertheless, under the influence of the European revolution and the Polish events of 1830-1831. Nicholas I shelved the first project and buried the second forever.

b) Codification of the laws of M.M. Speransky (1826-1832)

January 31, 1826 within the framework of the Imperial Chancellery, the II Department was created, which was entrusted with the task of reforming all legislation. The official head of the Department was Professor of St. Petersburg University M.A. Balugyansky, who taught legal sciences to the future emperor, but all the real work on the codification of legislation was carried out by his deputy, M. Speransky.

Summer 1826 M. Speransky sent four memos to the emperor with his proposals for compiling a new Code of Laws. According to this plan, codification was supposed to take place in three stages: 1. At first, it was supposed to collect and publish in chronological order all legislative acts, starting with the "Cathedral Code" of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich until the end of the reign of Alexander I. 2. At the second stage, it was planned to publish a Code of Acting Laws arranged in a subject-systematic order. 3. At the third stage, it was planned to draw up and publish a new Code of Laws systematized by legal branches.

At the first stage of the codification reform (1828-1830) almost 31 thousand legislative acts published in 1649-1825 were published, which were included in the 45-volume first "Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire". At the same time, 6 volumes of the second "Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire" were published, which included legislative acts issued under Nicholas I.

At the second stage of the codification reform (1830-1832) A 15-volume Code of Laws of the Russian Empire was prepared and published, which was a systematized (by branches of law) code of current legislation of 40,000 articles. Volumes 1-3 outlined the basic laws that determined the limits of competence and the order of office work of all government agencies and provincial offices. Volumes 4-8 contained laws on state duties, income and property. In the 9th volume, all laws on estates were published, in the 10th volume - civil and boundary laws. Volumes 11-14 contained police (administrative) laws, and volume 15 published criminal legislation.

January 19, 1833 The Code of Laws of the Russian Empire was officially approved at a meeting of the State Council and entered into force.

c) Nikolai's estate reformI (1832-1845)

After completing work on the codification of laws, Nicholas I returned to the class projects of the Secret Committee of Count V. Kochubey. Initially, in 1832, an imperial Decree was issued, in accordance with which the middle class of "honorary citizens" of two degrees was established - "hereditary honorary citizens", where the descendants of personal nobles and guild merchants were enrolled, and "personal honorary citizens" for officials IV -X grades and graduates of higher educational institutions.

Then, in 1845 Another Decree was issued, directly related to the project of estate reform of the Secret Committee. Nicholas I did not dare to cancel Peter's "Table of Ranks", but, in accordance with his Decree, the ranks that were required to receive the nobility by seniority were significantly increased. Now the hereditary nobility was granted to civil ranks with the V (state councilor), and not with the VIII (college assessor) class, and the military, respectively, with the VI (colonel), and not with the XIV (ensign) class. Personal nobility for both civil and military ranks was established from the IX (titular adviser, captain), and not from the XIV class, as before.

d) The peasant question and the reform of P.D. Kiseleva (1837-1841)

In the second quarter of the XIX century. the peasant question still remained a headache for the tsarist government. Recognizing that serfdom was the powder magazine of the entire state, Nicholas I believed that its abolition could lead to even more dangerous social cataclysms than those that shook Russia during his reign. Therefore, in the peasant question, the Nikolaev administration limited itself only to palliative measures aimed at somewhat softening the sharpness of social relations in the countryside.

To discuss the peasant question in 1828-1849 nine Secret Committees were created, in the depths of which more than 100 legislative acts were discussed and adopted to limit the power of landlords over serfs. For example, in accordance with these Decrees, landlords were forbidden to send their peasants to factories (1827), exile them to Siberia (1828), transfer serfs to the category of domestic servants and pay off their debts (1833), sell peasants to retail (1841) etc. However, the real significance of these Decrees and the specific results of their application turned out to be negligible: the landowners simply ignored these legislative acts, many of which were advisory in nature.

The only attempt at a serious solution to the peasant question was the reform of the state village, carried out by General P.D. Kiselev in 1837-1841

To prepare a draft reform of the state village in April 1836 in the bowels of Own E.I. In the Office, a special V Division was created, which was headed by Adjutant General P. Kiselev. In accordance with the personal instructions of Nicholas I and his own vision of this issue, he considered that in order to heal the ailments of the state-owned village, it was enough to create a good administration that could manage it accurately and prudently. That is why at the first stage of the reform, in 1837, the state village was removed from the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Finance and transferred to the Ministry of State Property, the first head of which was General P. Kiselev himself, who remained in this post until 1856.

Then, in 1838-1839, for the management of the state village on the ground, state chambers were created in the provinces and state district administrations in the counties. And only after that, in 1840-1841, the reform reached the volosts and villages, where several governing bodies were created at once: volost and rural gatherings, boards and reprisals.

After the completion of this reform, the government once again took up the problem of the owner (landlord) peasants, and soon the Decree “On obligated peasants” was born. (April1842), also developed on the initiative of P. Kiselev.

The essence of this Decree was as follows: each landowner, at his own discretion, could grant freedom to his serfs, but without the right to sell them their own allotments of land. All land remained the property of the landlords, and the peasants received only the right to use this land on a lease basis. For the possession of their own allotments of land, they were obliged, as before, to bear corvée and dues. However, according to the agreement that the peasant entered into with the landowner, the latter did not have the right: a) to increase the size of corvée and dues, and b) select or reduce the land allotment agreed upon by mutual agreement.

According to a number of historians (N. Troitsky, V. Fedorov), the Decree "On Obligated Peasants" was a step backwards compared to the Decree "On Free Ploughmen", since that legislative act broke off feudal relations between landlords and serfs, and the new law retained them.

e) Financial reform E.F. Kancrina (1839-1843)

An active foreign policy and a constant increase in government spending on the maintenance of the state apparatus and the army caused an acute financial crisis in the country: the expenditure side of the state budget was almost one and a half times higher than its revenue side. The result of such a policy was the constant devaluation of the banknote ruble in relation to the silver ruble, and to late 1830s its real value was only 25% of the value of the silver ruble.

Rice. 5. Credit note after the Kankrin reform ()

In order to prevent the financial collapse of the state, at the suggestion of the long-term Minister of Finance Yegor Frantsevich Kankrin, it was decided to carry out a monetary reform. During the first phase of the reform, 1839, state credit notes were introduced (Fig. 5), which were equated to the silver ruble and could be freely exchanged for it. Then, after the accumulation of the necessary reserves of precious metals, the second stage of the reform was carried out. . From June 1843 the exchange of all banknotes in circulation for state credit notes began at the rate of one credit ruble for three and a half banknote rubles. Thus, the monetary reform of E. Kankrin significantly strengthened the country's financial system, but it was not possible to completely overcome the financial crisis, since the government continued to pursue the previous budget policy.

Bibliography

Vyskochkov V.L. Emperor Nicholas I: man and sovereign. - St. Petersburg, 2001.
Druzhinin N.M. State peasants and the reform of P.D. Kiselev. - M., 1958.
Zayonchkovsky P.K. The government apparatus of autocratic Russia in the 19th century. - M., 1978.
Eroshkin N.P. Feudal autocracy and its political institutions. - M., 1981.
Kornilov A.A. The course of the history of Russia in the XIX century. - M., 1993.
Mironenko S.V. Pages of the secret history of autocracy. - M., 1990.
Presnyakov A.E. Russian autocrats. - M., 1990.
Pushkarev S.G. History of Russia in the 19th century. - M., 2003.
Troitsky N.A. Russia in the 19th century. - M., 1999.
Shepelev L.E. The apparatus of power in Russia. The era of Alexander I and Nicholas I. - St. Petersburg, 2007.

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and his wife, Maria Fedorovna. As soon as Nikolai Pavlovich was born (06/25/1796), his parents signed him up for military service. He became the chief of the Life Guards Cavalry Regiment, with the rank of colonel.

Three years later, the prince put on the uniform of his regiment for the first time. In May 1800, Nicholas I became the chief of the Izmailovsky regiment. In 1801, as a result of a palace coup, his father, Paul I, was killed.

The real passion of Nicholas I was military affairs. Passion for military affairs, apparently passed on from his father, and at the gene level.

Soldiers and cannons were the favorite toys of the Grand Duke, for which, together with his brother Mikhail, he spent a lot of time. To the sciences, unlike his brother Alexander I, he did not gravitate.

On July 13, 1817, the marriage of Nicholas I and the Prussian princess Charlotte took place. In Orthodoxy, Charlotte was named Alexandra Feodorovna. By the way, the marriage took place on the birthday of his wife.

The joint life of the royal couple was happy. After the wedding, he became an inspector general in charge of engineering.

Nicholas I never prepared himself as the heir to the Russian throne. He was only the third child of Paul I. It so happened that Alexander I had no children.

In this case, the throne passed to the younger brother of Alexander, and the elder brother of Nicholas - Constantine. But, Konstantin was not eager to take responsibility on his shoulders and became the Russian emperor.

Alexander I wanted to make Nicholas his heir. This has long been a mystery to Russian society. In November, Alexander I died unexpectedly, and Nikolai Pavlovich was to ascend the throne.

It so happened that on the day the Russian society took the oath to the new emperor, the Decembrist uprising took place. Thankfully it all ended well. The uprising was crushed, and Nicholas I became emperor. After the tragic events on the Senate Square, he exclaimed - "I am the Emperor, but at what cost."

The policy of Nicholas I had brightly inspired conservative features. Quite often, historians accuse Nicholas I of excessive conservatism and strictness. But how could the emperor behave differently after the Decembrist uprising? It was this event that largely set the course for domestic politics during his reign.

Domestic politics

The most important issue of the domestic policy of Nicholas I is the peasant question. He believed that every effort should be made to alleviate the situation of the peasants. During his reign, many legislative acts were issued to make life easier for the peasantry.

In conditions of the strictest secrecy, as many as 11 committees worked, which tried to think over solutions to the peasant question. The emperor returned Mikhail Speransky to active state activity and instructed him to streamline the legislation of the Russian Empire.

Speransky brilliantly coped with the task, having prepared the "Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire for 1648-1826" and the "Code of Laws of the Russian Empire". Finance Minister Kankrin carried out a progressive monetary reform, which brought the country's economy back to life.

Most of all, historians criticize Nicholas I for the activities of the 3rd branch of the Imperial Chancellery. This body had a supervisory function. The Russian Empire was divided into gendarmerie districts, which were in charge of generals who had a large staff under their command.

The third branch was engaged in the investigation of political affairs, closely monitored censorship, as well as the activities of officials of various ranks.

Foreign policy

The foreign policy of Nicholas I became a continuation of the policy of Alexander I. He sought to maintain peace in Europe, while being guided by the interests of Russia, to develop vigorous activity on the eastern borders of the empire.

During his reign, talented diplomats appeared in Russia, knocking out favorable conditions for cooperation from “our partners”. There were constant diplomatic battles for influence in the world.

Russian diplomats won many such battles. In July 1826, the Russian army fought in Iran. In February 1828, peace was signed, thanks to the efforts of Griboyedov, the Nakhichevan and Erivan khanates retreated to Russia, and the empire also acquired the exclusive right to have a navy in the Caspian Sea.

During the reign of Nicholas I, Russia was at war with the mountain peoples. There was also a successful war with Turkey, which showed the world the military talent of Admiral Nakhimov. The next Russian-Turkish war turned into a real disaster for Russia. After the Battle of Sinop, in which the Russian ships under the command of Nakhimov won a stunning victory.

England and France, fearing the strengthening of Russia, entered the war on the side of Turkey. The Crimean War began. Participation in the Crimean War showed the problems that existed in Russian society. First of all, it is technological backwardness. The Crimean War was a good and timely lesson that laid the foundation for a new development in Russia.

Results

Nicholas I died on February 18, 1855. The reign of this monarch can be assessed in different ways. Despite the strengthening of control and the suppression of dissent, Russia greatly increased its territory, won many diplomatic disputes.

A monetary reform was carried out in the country, which ensured economic development, the oppression on the peasantry was weakened. All these indulgences largely became the basis for the future

The Decembrist uprising had a great influence on
government policy. Active and purposeful
fight against any manifestations of public discontent
became an essential part of the internal political course
new monarch - Nicholas I(1796-1855).

A necessary condition for strengthening the existing system
emperor considered the strengthening of the personal control of the monarch for
work of the state apparatus. Nikolaevskoe
reign - the time of ultimate centralization of control
empire, the apogee of autocracy. All the levers leading to
movement of a complex state machine, were in
the hands of the monarch.

In an effort to prevent a revolution in Russia, special attention
the emperor gave strengthening the repressive apparatus.
Existed in the country in the first quarter of the XIX century. system
political investigation was needed, as the uprising showed
Decembrists, in reorganization. FROM 1826 provide
"security of the throne and tranquility in the state" became
III branch of His Imperial Majesty's Own
office. Executive Body III branch was
Corps of gendarmes, formed in 1827. The country was divided
into gendarmerie districts headed by gendarmerie
generals. In each province, security issues
state security was in charge of a specially appointed
headquarters officer (senior officer) of the gendarmerie.

The subject of special care of Nicholas I were printed and
education. It was here, in his opinion, rooted
"revolutionary contagion". In 1826 a new
censorship charter, which was called by contemporaries
"cast iron charter". Really by their strict standards
he placed a very heavy burden on publishers and authors.
True, in 1828 the new charter somewhat softened the extremes
its "cast iron" predecessor. Still petty
and strict oversight of the press was maintained.

The same pedantic control was subjected to educational
establishments. Nicholas I sought to make the school class-based, and
teaching, in order to suppress the slightest free-thinking,
lead in a strict Orthodox-monarchical spirit.
By a rescript issued in 1827, the tsar forbade the admission
serfs in secondary and higher educational institutions.
In 1828, a new school charter appeared, restructuring
middle and lower levels of public education. Between
existing types of schools (one-class parish
school, three-year county school, seven-year
gymnasium) any successive connection was destroyed,
since in each of them only people from
the respective estates. So, the gymnasium was intended
for children of nobles. Middle and lower schools, as well as private
educational institutions were under strict supervision
Ministry of Public Education. Close attention
the ruling circles gave universities, which and the highest
bureaucracy, and the tsar himself, not without reason, considered
hotbed of "willfulness and free-thinking." Charter of 1835
deprived universities of a significant part of their rights and internal
independence. The goals of the ideological struggle against
Freethinking was formulated in 1833.
Minister of Public Education S.S. Uvarov theory
official nationality based on three principles:
Orthodoxy, autocracy and nationality. In the spirit of this
theory that substantiated the correspondence of existing orders
Russian national tradition, teaching was built in
educational institutions. The theory of official nationality actively
promoted in the press and literature.

It should be noted that by adopting theory
official nationality, Nicholas I resolutely fought against
any deviation from Orthodoxy. Very drastic measures.
taken against the Old Believers, who were taken
prayer buildings, real estate, etc. Children
"schismatics" were forcibly enrolled in schools
cantonists. Such "protection" of the interests of the official
Orthodoxy did not, however, benefit the latter.
Orthodox Church under Nicholas I finally
become part of the bureaucracy.
The Synod became more and more "a department of the Orthodox
confession", managed by a secular official -
chief prosecutor. All this could not but undermine the authority
churches.

December 6, 1826 Nicholas I formed
a special secret committee called upon to consider
situation in the state and develop a program of necessary
reforms. "Committee December 6, 1826" acted during
three years. They had a rather extensive program planned.
transformations, which included, in particular, some
limitation of landlord power over peasants, restructuring
central and local administration in the spirit of the principle
separation of powers, etc. Extremely conservative circles
opposed these plans. Uprising in Poland
"cholera riots" of 1830-1831 finally buried
most of the undertakings of this Committee. To provide
legitimacy was to be of some importance
codification of laws, completed by 1833. The result
this extensive work on the systematization of laws,
appeared after the Council Code of 1649, became
publication of the "Complete collection of laws of the Russian Empire" and
Code of Laws of the Russian Empire. However, the value
which all these measures that streamlined legislation had,
was small, since the bureaucracy acted,
absolutely disregarding any legal norms.

In the following years of his reign, Nicholas I
repeatedly returned to the idea about the need
settlement of the issue of serfdom. Various
solutions to this problem were developed in 8
secret committees, which literally one after another
created by the emperor. The position of Nicholas I himself
the peasant question was very controversial. "Not
doubts that serfdom in its present position
we have evil ... - the king once said, - but to touch
it would now be even more disastrous for him." In these
conditions, the practical results of the work of the mentioned
committees were insignificant. No measures
any significant change in the position of the serfs,
Nicholas I did not go. The disappointing results were
implemented since the mid 1930s. reform
management of the state peasants. Summoned
improve their situation and realized one of the most
enlightened and capable dignitaries of the Nikolaev
reign of P.D. Kiselev, this reform turned around for
state village by strengthening administrative guardianship with
sides of corrupt bureaucracy, the growth of arbitrariness
bosses. The bureaucracy acted on its own
and against the will of the autocrat, guided by his own
interests. Ultimately therefore to reform
P.D. Kiselev, the peasantry responded with an outbreak of serious
unrest.

Nicholas I paid great attention strengthening
positions of the first estate of the empire - the nobility how
the most important pillar of the throne. The process of gradual economic
impoverishment of the nobility made itself felt as the decomposition
fortress system. In this regard, autocracy
sought to strengthen the position of the upper and middle strata
landowners, sacrificing the interests of those who were weakening economically, and
therefore seemingly politically unreliable representatives
nobility. The manifesto of December 6, 1831 allowed participation
in elections for public office of the nobility only those
landlords who had within the province at least 100
souls of peasants or 3 thousand acres of uninhabited land. For
in order to make it difficult to penetrate into the noble environment
people from "taxable states", in 1845 was published
law, according to which in military service
hereditary nobility was acquired only upon reaching
senior officer rank, and in civilian - rank V, and not
VIII class, as practiced before. peculiar
barrier to the growing harassment of the title of nobility
built the Manifesto on April 10, 1832. They created
institutions of "hereditary honorary citizens" (to them
included big businessmen, scientists, children of personal
nobles, etc.) and "honorary citizens" (lower officials,
university graduates). They all received
some of the privileges of the nobility - freedom from
corporal punishment, etc. This, according to the ruling circles,
was supposed to reduce the desire for "non-noble" elements
seek nobility. To strengthen
material base of the first estate in 1845 Nicholas I
created the institution of reserved hereditary estates
(majorates). They were not subject to crushing and, making up
property of a noble family, passed by inheritance to
eldest son.

In his economic policy Nicholas I in famous
took into account the interests of the emerging bourgeoisie,
needs of the industrial development of the country. This line found
reflected in protective customs tariffs,
organization of industrial exhibitions, railway
construction. Financial reform 1839-1843 provided
stability of the ruble and had a positive impact on the development
domestic trade and industry. Workers unrest
autocracy was forced at the enterprises in the 30s - 40s of the XIX
c, enact laws regulating labor relations in
industry and somewhat limiting arbitrariness
employers.

Protective beginnings in government policy sharply
intensified in the last years of the reign of Nicholas I.
Revolution of 1848-1849 in Europe scared the ruling circles
Russian Empire. The persecution of the press and the school began.
To strengthen the current censorship were formed
special committees (under the leadership of A.S. Menshikov - for
monitoring journals and D.P. Buturlin - to supervise
"spirit and direction of all works...
typography"). On writers whose works
caused dissatisfaction with the authorities, punishment fell. One of
leaders of Slavophilism Yu.F. Samarin was imprisoned in
Peter and Paul Fortress for an essay directed against
Baltic Germans, which read only 13 relatives
acquaintances of the author. They paid for their works with links
M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin and I.S. Turgenev. In higher education
institutions curtailed the teaching of philosophy,
limited admission to universities that Nicholas I
in general was not averse to closing. There has been a sharp increase in oversight
professors and students. The fight against "revolutionary
contagion" has intensified. A strong impression on society
made a rout of the circle of Petrashevists.

The results of the thirty years of reign Nicholas I let down
The Crimean War of 1853-1856, which showed that under
maintaining the existing order, Russia cannot
compete on an equal footing with the advanced states of Western
Europe. Progressive economic backwardness
caused a discrepancy between the level of military power of the country
the requirements of the time. The Nikolaev system went bankrupt.
The autocracy, which had reached its apogee, was not in
able to provide effective, appropriate
era of the functioning of the state machine. Possessed
unlimited power the monarch could not cope with
corruption and bureaucratic incompetence. From society
the bureaucracy did not depend, but control from above,
despite all the efforts of Nicholas I, did not bring any
effect. "Look at the annual reports," he wrote in 1855.
Governor of Courland P.A. Valuev - everything has been done everywhere
possible, successes have been gained everywhere... Look at the deed,
peer into it, separate the essence from the paper
shells ... and rarely, where there will be a strong fruitful
benefit. Shine on top, rot below. "In 1855, in an atmosphere
military failures Nicholas I died. Apparent failure
the course he conducted put on the agenda the question of
carrying out reforms that can renew the country, overcome
lagging behind Russia from the leading powers.

Nikolai 1 Pavlovich (born June 25 (July 6), 1796 - death February 18 (March 2), 1855) - Emperor of All Russia. The years of the reign of Nicholas 1: 1825-1855

Nicholas 1 (short biography)

Nicholas was the third of five sons, therefore, in principle, he could not count on the throne, which determined the direction of his upbringing and education. From an early age, he became interested in military affairs, especially its outer side, and prepared for a military career.

1817 - Grand Duke Nikolai Pavlovich married the daughter of the King of Prussia, who in Orthodoxy received the name Alexandra Feodorovna. They had seven children, the eldest of whom later became Emperor Alexander II.

According to the "theory of official nationality", which was developed by S.S. Uvarov, Russia has its own way of development, it does not need the influence of the West and it should be isolated from the world community. The Russian Empire under Nikolai Pavlovich was called the "gendarme of Europe" for keeping peace in European states from revolutionary uprisings.

Social politics

In social policy under Nicholas 1, emphasis was placed on strengthening the estate system. In order to protect the nobility from "contamination", the "December 6 Committee" proposed to establish a procedure according to which the nobility was acquired only by inheritance. And for service people to create new estates - "bureaucratic", "eminent", "honorary" citizens. 1845 - the emperor issued a "Decree on Majorates" (the indivisibility of noble estates during inheritance).

Serfdom

Serfdom during the reign of Nikolai Pavlovich enjoyed the support of the state, and the monarch signed a manifesto in which he stated that there would be no changes in the position of serfs. However, the emperor was not a supporter of serfdom and secretly prepared materials on the peasant question in order to make things easier for his followers.

The results of the reign of Nicholas 1

Emperor Nicholas 1 died on February 18, 1855. Summing up the reign of Nicholas I, historians call his era the most disadvantaged in Russian history, starting from.

After the Decembrist uprising, the sovereign lost confidence in the upper strata of the nobility. He now saw the main support of the autocracy in the bureaucracy of the bureaucracy. The tsar relied on that part of the nobility whose incomes were not sufficient to make it possible to do without public service and salaries.

A class of hereditary officials began to form, for whom public service became a profession. According to the well-known Russian historian A. Korshelov, Nicholas 1 was guided by the ideas of N.M. Karamzin, which were outlined by him in the note “On Ancient and Modern History”: “Autocracy is the most important element in the stable functioning of the state. The main goal of the monarchy is to serve the interests of the country for the benefit of its prosperity.

The internal policy of Nicholas 1 was focused on maintaining the status quo in all areas of life, especially the foundations of serfdom, the old political institutions. She ignored the pressing problems in the economy (industry, transport, technical re-equipment of the army and navy). The unwillingness to carry out bourgeois transformations had the most tragic effect already at the end of the reign of Nicholas 1, turning into the defeat of the Russian Empire in the Crimean War.